^^ 



^j V 



COLLECTIONS 



MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



SECOND SERIES. 



DOCUMENTARY 



HISTORY OF THE STATE OF MAINE. 



VOL. II. 

CONTAINIXG A 

Discourse on Western Planting, 



Written in the Year 1584, 



By RICHARD /HAKLUYT. 



SlSRtt^ a Preface anU an Sfntroliuctton 
By LEONARD WOODS, LL.D., 

LATE FKESLDENT OF BOWDOIN COLLEGE. 



EDITED, WITH KOTES IN THE APPENDIX, 

By CHARLES DEANE. 



PUBLISHED BY THE MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AIDED BY 
APPROPRIATIONS FROM THE STATE. 



/^r'^SyOF co";^2> 



CAMBRIDGE : \v^vvash >^ 



PRESS OF JOHN WILSON AND SON. 
1877. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1877, by the 

Maine Historical Society, 

lu the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 



\ 



CONTENTS. 



Pagb 

Note of the Standing Committee vii 

Editorial Note by Charles Deane xiii 

Preface by Dr. Woods xv 

Introduction by Dr. "Woods xxv 

Hakluyt's Discourse . 1 

Appendix: Notes by the Editor, Charles Deane . 169 

Index 243 



i 



NOTE OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. 



The Standing Committee of the Maine Historical Society 
are happy, after so long delay, to offer to its members 
and friends this second volume of the series of " Docu- 
mentary History," under the generous auspices of the 
State. Though an annual volume was contemplated by 
the resolve of the Legislature, it soon became apparent 
that so frequent an issue could not be kept up with credit 
to the State or the Society. The long interval since the first 
volume appeared, however, has been occasioned not only 
by the labor necessarily connected with the work in hand, 
but mainly by the disastrous fire which destroyed the library 
of Dr. Woods and several rare volumes besides essential 
to the prosecution of his work as editor, as also what he 
had prepared as an Introduction to the Discourse of Hak- 
luyt which was waiting only for his final revision for the 
press. Then followed the serious disarrangement caused 
by the calamity ; and, after he had begun the unwel- 
come effort of recovering what had been lost, the physical 
infirmity which forbade literary labor, and, indeed, threat- 
ened the entire loss of the fruits of his diligent and suc- 
cessful research. In this emergency, the Committee, under 
advice from Dr. Woods himself, were greatly relieved by 
being able to make an arrangement as set forth in the fol- 
lowing paper from their records : 



Vlll NOTE OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. 

" Whereas, Dr. Charles Deane and Dr. Leonard "Woods 
have been jointly engaged for some months in preparing 
for publication, for the Maine Historical Society, a Dis- 
course of Richard Hakluyt ; and whereas, under their 
superintendence, the stereotyping of said work is com- 
pleted, and some advance has been made towards preparing 
Notes and an Introduction for the same, wliich are not com- 
pleted in consequence of the impaired state of Dr. Woods's 
health, — therefore voted, that Dr. Deane be requested by 
the Standing Committee to assume the sole charge of the 
publication of this work, to finish what has been begun, 
and to write de novo what remains to be written, all on 
the same plan as has been entered upon by them, and thus 
far been so harmoniously and satisfactorily pursued." 

The well-known accomplishments of Mr. Deane, and his 
special familiarity with the topics suggested by the matter 
in hand, justify the Committee in congratulating the So- 
ciety, the State, and all who have been anticipating so 
interesting an accession to our material of historical facts 
and discourses, on this fortunate arrangement. 

It is well known that other European powers preceded 
the English in enterprises of discovery and colonization 
towards the Western Continent. But during the reign of 
Elizabeth, the impulse in this direction was surprisingly 
developed in the English nation. As is remarked by Froude : 
" When the history of this era is written, its grandeur will 
be seen to be among the most sublime phenomena which the 
earth as yet has witnessed." The energy of statesmen and 
of the commercial class was turned towards the sea, and the 
memories of adventurous and heroic seamen are perpet- 
uated in arctic and other regions. 

A recent English writer, referring to earlier and later 
adventurers in arctic exploration, pronounces it." our Iliad, 



NOTE OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. IX 

if we have one, this siege of the arctic ice and night." Ex- 
peditions set on foot by private individuals or corporations 
were to some extent patronized by royalty and by such names 
as Burleigh, Leicester, and "VValsingham. As Frobisher, 
a poor sailor adventurer, as some one calls him, was 
under way for Northern seas and was running by Green- 
wich, he was encouraged by seeing the Queen wave her 
handkerchief from the palace windows, in token of the 
favor and patronage vouchsafed by her Majesty to her 
enterprising subjects who had the means to furnish ships, 
or the ability and spirit to command them, and to go out 
into unknown seas to discover or conquer and take pos- 
session in the name of their gracious sovereign whom they 
loved to call " Queen of the Sea." 

One of the most interesting spectacles revealed by his- 
tory is the earnest rivalry between the governments of 
Europe and their parties of discovery or colonization, 
ever watchful of each others' projects, and carefully keep- 
ing their own counsels, in efforts to acquire and secure 
possession of the newly discovered continent. To us it 
is of special interest to trace the series of events and 
adventures which directed English enterprise to the 
northern coast of the continent, contrary even to their own 
plans and purposes, thus affording an illustration of the 
familiar saying, " Man projjoses, but God disposes." For 
it is a well-known fact that in eager and persistent and 
fruitless schemes for discovery of a north-west route to 
the far-off Cathay, and after manifold hindrances, mis- 
adventures, and disasters, this northern coast was revealed 
to daring English voyagers. A paper drawn up by Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert, to prove the possibility, rather the prob- 
ability, of such a passage, first turned the attention of the 
English and stimulated afresh the enterprise in that direc- 
tion. Then followed the voyages of the intrepid Frobisher, 

b 



X NOTE OF THE STANDING COMSHTTEE. 

1576, who left a perpetual memorial of his adventurous 
spirit in the straits that bear his name ; and those of Sir 
Humphrey himself, who, aided by the active interest of Sir 
"Walter Raleigh, his half-brother, set sail in 1583, the Queen 
wishing him " as great goodhap and safety to his ship as if 
herself were there in person." We cannot but recall his 
memorable answer from his little craft of ten tons, which 
soon went down, in a tempestuous sea off Newfoundland, to 
the hail of his companion, the " Golden Hind," — " We are 
as near Heaven by sea as by land." Thus the spirit of enter- 
prise kept at work on the problem of a North-west Passage. 
But that was not the path which Providence designed. 

The search for a North-west Passage to the Indies was 
arrested for a time, we know, by the conjecture that a 
better route could be found in an opposite direction. It 
has been a problem with students of history what turned 
back attention to our coast. 

The five volumes of the industrious and enthusiastic 
Hakluyt, containing notices of more than two hundred 
voyages, called by Froude the " prose epic of the modern 
English nation," have been a most valued storehouse of 
materials for the history of early discovery and coloniza- 
tion. The fortunate discovery of a lost manuscript of the 
same author, now first committed to the press, shows what 
may have exerted an important influence in awakening 
special attention of royalty and courtiers to the northern 
coast as a desirable field for colonization, and setting on 
foot a movement which, under Divine Providence, was to 
produce great results in human history and the progress of 
the races. 

The text alone of such a Discourse would excite great 
interest in all who are curious regarding the earliest 
attempts to colonize this portion of the Western Conti- 
nent. It seemed^ however, unfitting to send out such a 



NOTE OF THE STANDING COMMITTEE. XI 

paper without an introductory notice and such annotations 
as seemed to be required to explain allusions and elucidate 
obscure passages in the history of the period, not likely to 
be apprehended except by those who have given special 
attention to the subject, and to afford to every reader the 
best advantage for entering at once into the spirit of the 
writer. 

A. S. PACKARD, 

For the Committee. 
Brunswick, March, 1877. 



EDITOR'S NOTE. 



Referring to the preceding statement of the Standing 
Committee, I will simply add, in justice to Dr. Woods and 
to myself, that, out of his rough notes, happily not consumed 
when his library was burned, 8th August, 1873, I have 
deduced the following Preface and Introduction signed by 
him. These notes were written in several memorandum 
books, and on detached sheets of paper, intended evidently 
as hints to the memory for future use, and covered a wide 
field of investigation. What has been here written is 
mostly in his own language ; and all has been submitted 
to him, and approved and adopted by him. 

I can only add my regret, to that of the literary public, 
that the state of his health had deprived Dr. Woods of the 
opportunity of employing again his own eloquent pen in 
reconstructing the fabric so mercilessly destroyed by the 
flames. 

Of the notes in the Appendix, the few signed " W." 
were ^vritten by Dr. Woods, and happened to be in my 
possession, along with the copy of the Hakluyt Discourse, 
when the fire occurred. The Discourse had already been 
stereotyped in Cambridge, under my supervision. Some 
of my own notes in the Appendix had been partially writ- 
ten, at the request of Dr. Woods, and had been laid aside. 

I have appreciated the wish of the Maine Historical 
Society to publish tliis volume with as little delay as 



XIV EDITOR S NOTE. 

possible ; and for the past few months, since I have been 
requested to undertake the charge of it, have labored to 
that end. Part of my work has been of a delicate nature ; 
and for the whole I ask the indulgence of the reader, 
being conscious of its imperfections. I will only add, in 
conclusion, that I feel a sense of satisfaction in placing 
my own name on the title-page of this volume along with 
that of my friend, Dr. Woods. 



CHARLES DEANE. 



Cambridge, Mass., 

March, 1877. 



P E E F A C E. 



It may not be without interest that I should give, 
in this prefatory note, in some detail, an account as 
to how this copy of Hakluyt's Discourse was ob- 
tained; and then a brief description of the manu- 
script itself. See also the Introduction, p. xxv. 

I wUl premise by saying, in a general way, that it 
happened to me as it has to so many other investi- 
gators. The manuscript, having come into the posses- 
sion of Sir Thomas Philhpps, was placed in the archives 
of his vast collection at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, 
— subsequently removed to Thirlestane House, 
Cheltenham, Gloucestershire, — and had remained 
buried for thirteen or fourteen years. Meanwhile, 
the following title had appeared in the printed cata- 
logue ^ of his collection, a copy of which had been 

1 Sir Thomas Phillipps's Catalogue appears to have been issued in folio 
sheets, struck off from time to time. The title-page reads, " Catalogus 
Librorum Manuscriptorum in Bibliotheca D. ThomaJ Phillipps, Bart. A.D. 
1837. Impressus Typis Medio-Montanis Mense Maio, 1837." A copy was 
presented by him to the library of Harvard College, June 1, 1841, the 
sheets stitched and covered with blue boards, and containing all that had 
probably been printed up to that time, being 174 pp., the last number 
10710. The subsequent issues of the Catalogue have not been sent to the 
library. 

Sir Thomas Phillipps had a private press at Middle Hill, on which he 
printed a large number of books edited by himself. A list of many of them 



XVI PREFACE. 

presented by him to the hbrary of the British Mu- 
seum, — "A Hakluyt Discourse," number " 14097." 
So far as I can learn this advertisement had re- 
mained unnoticed. 

My attention had early been called to the collec- 
tion of Sir Thomas by seeing an accoimt, in the Pro- 
ceedings of some Scientific Association, of a number 
of early American maps exhibited by him at one of 
its meetings ; and on inquiring of Mr. Henry Stevens 
about this collection, he informed me that, besides 
these maps and other valuable documents, it con- 
tained a manuscript discourse of Hakluyt which had 
once been in his possession.^ But this important 
information, which was communicated to me by 
Mr. Stevens with that freedom and friendliness with 
which he has always given of his treasures to those 
who have applied to him, was not the moving cause 
or the immediate occasion of the measures by which 
the manuscript in question was obtained. And I fear 

may be seen in Bohn's edition of Lowndes, under Sir Thomas's name. 
After the death, in 1850, of Lord Northwick, the proprietor of Thirlestane 
House, Clieltenliam, Sir Thomas became tlie owner of tliat estate, and 
removed to it his valuable and extensive library from Middle Hill. Thirle- 
stane House was erected by Mr. Scott, at an outlay of £84,000, in the 
Ionic style, with Portland and Bath stone. (See Murray's Hand-book of 
Gloucestershire.) Sir Thomas himself died in 1872, and left his library to 
his daughter, Mrs. Fcnwick, its present owner. — Ed. 

1 The manuscript appears to have come into the possession of Mr. 
Stevens some time previous to May, 1854. It is included in his catalogue — 
a copy of which is now before me — of valuable books and manuscripts to 
be sold at auction by Puttick & Simpson, 191 Piccadilly, London, " on 
Wednesday, May 24, 1854, and four following days (Sunday excepted), at 
one o'clock most punctually," and is entered there under number " 474." 
The title-page is copied in full, after which we read : — 

" A MOST IMPORTANT uNPURLisiiED MANUSCRIPT ; 63 pages, closely and 
neatly written ; in the original calf binding. From Lord Valentia's Collection. 
The following note, pencilled on the fly-leaf, is believed to be in Lord 



PREFACE. XVll 

that the knowledge I had received from him of the 
existence of this manuscript would have proved to 
me, as it had in several other cases, barren and 
unfruitful of any good result, if a new motive for 
seeking access to the Phillipps collection had not been 
imparted to me some weeks later from another 
quarter. 

During a visit which I made to H. C. Harford, 
Esq., of Bristol, soon after New Year's, 1868, in pur- 
suit of whatever might fall in my way, I made the 
acquaintance of the Rev. Frederick Brown, then rec- 
tor of the neighboring parish of Nailsea. This parish 
belongs to the manor of Ashton Phillips, where 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges resided during the latter 
part of his life, and the rector had interested himself 
for many years in collecting materials for a complete 
history and genealogy of this distinguished founder 
of the colonization of our State. These materials 
he kindly exhibited to me, and among other things 
called my attention to a notice he had seen in the 
Wiltshire Magazine of Archaeology and Natural 
History, Vol. I. p. 97, to the effect that the papers 
of Sir Ferdinando Gorges had been obtained by Sir 

Valentia's hand : ' This unpublished manuscript of Hakluyt's is extremely 
curious. I procured it from the family of Sir Peter Thomson. The 
editors of the last edition would have given any money for it, had it been 
known to have existed.' " In a printed list of " prices obtained at the 
sale " of these books as far as lot 1039, subsequently inserted in some 
copies of the catalogue, it appears that the Hakluyt Discourse, lot 474, 
brought £44. 

This was not the only manuscript in this sale of rare books relating to 
America which came from Lord Valentia's collection. Lot 408, " Captain 
Luke Fox's Journal," is said to have belonged to his library. There may 
have been others. — Ed. 

c 



XVm PREFACE. 

Thomas Pliillipps from Ashley, and were now in his 
possession, bearing the number 7109 in his collection. 

The Gorges Papers, justly regarded as more im- 
portant than any now remaining to be discovered 
for the elucidation of the history of New England, 
and especially of Maine, were then, as it appeared, 
neither irrecoverably lost, nor left, according to the 
supposition of Dr. Palfrey, " undreamed of by their 
possessor, to feed the moth in the garret of some 
manor-house in Somerset or Devon, or in some crypt 
of London," but could be clearly traced to the collec- 
tion of Sir Thomas Phillipps. 

I conceived the confident hope of gaining access 
to these papers, and resolved that no efforts of mine 
should be wanting to accomplish this object. It only 
remained for me to follow the clew thus placed in 
my hands to find the way to this great depository, 
and to solicit from the generosity of its owner the 
use of the papers for the State most interested 
in them. 

In pursuance of this purpose, immediately on my 
return to London, I called for advice on the late 
John Bruce, Esq., F.R.S., who had been mentioned 
to me by my friend, the excellent rector of Nailsea, 
as a correspondent of his on the subject of Gorges, 
and who was already known to me as the author of 
the interesting letter on the defence of Gorges, pub- 
lished in Vol. XXXIII. of the Archasologia, and 
republished at the end of Mr. George Folsom's 
Catalogue of Original Documents relating to the 
State of Maine, New York, 1858. 



PEEFACE. XIX 

By the judicious and friendly advice of Mr. Bruce, 
I was directed to Mrs. Mary Anne Everett Green, 
well know^n as the editor of a number of the Calen- 
dars of State Papers, as a lady well acquainted with 
Sir Thomas Phillipps and his collection, and holding 
a high place in his esteem, and as better able to 
assist me in my purpose than any one in the circle 
of his acquaintance. On his suggestion, I introduced 
myself to Mrs. Green and made my objects known 
to her ; and to the interest wliich she took in them, 
and her assistance in accomj)lishing them, and the 
influence she exerted in our behalf with Sir Thomas 
Phillipps, the Historical Society and the literary 
public generally are indebted for whatever benefit 
may be derived from the opening of his collections 
to our use. 

Mrs. Green wrote immediately to Sir Thomas ; 
and, on his courteous response to her request in 
our behalf, she visited Cheltenham (in January, 
1868). I followed in a few days. 

The original object we had in view in this visit 
to Cheltenham, nearly one hundred miles from Lon- 
don, in mid-winter, was to examine the papers of 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and to obtain, if jDOssible, 
copies of them for publication in the Documentary 
History of Maine. But our quest was not confined 
to the Gorges Papers. In order to facilitate the 
business of this visit, and turn it to the best possible 
account, Mrs. Green had made, from her catalogue 
of the collection, a list of all manuscripts which it 
was thought might have some bearing on the history 



XX PREFACE. 

of Maine, and which in that visit might well be ex- 
amined in this behalf. In this list was included, 
besides the Gorges Papers advertised in the Wiltshire 
Magazine, and the maps before referred to, " A Hak- 
luyt Discourse," No. " 14097," which could, we 
thought, be no other than that mentioned by my 
friend Mr. Stevens, and against which she wrote, on 
my suggestion, " Copy entire, if relating to coloniza- 
tion in America." 

Before my arrival, Mrs. Green had already made 
considerable progress in the examination of the man- 
uscripts, maps, &c. ; and her report of her first im- 
pressions, so far as related to the principal object of 
our pursuit, was, in her own words : " The Gorges 
Papers turn out a sad disappointment ; on the other 
hand, the Hakluyt Discourse is, I think, curious and 
valuable." 

These first impressions were confirmed by the 
more careful examinations upon which we entered 
after my arrival. The Gorges Papers, No. 7109, 
entered in the catalogue as " Papers found in the 
Library of Ferdinando Gorges, of Ashley, Wilts, /oZ.," 
were found to consist of a few private letters about 
family property, in which a brief pedigree of Lord 
Edward Gorges was included. The disappointment 
with regard to these papers was in some degree 
qualified by some information kindly given me by 
Sir Thomas, with regard to the disposition of them 
on the breaking up of the collection at Ashley. But, 
after following up the clew which he placed in my 
hands, it led to no important results ; and we are 



PREFACE Xxi 

obliged to rest in the conclusion exj^ressed above by 
Dr. Palfrey. 

But the Hakluyt Discourse, about which we had 
been doubtful whether it related to American 
colonization, and which I had apprehended might 
be one of the Discourses supposed to have been 
delivered by Hakluyt on the art of navigation, 
proved to be a treatise exhibiting, systematically and 
elaborately, the religious, political, and commercial 
advantages to be derived by England from the at- 
tempted colonization of America ; and, what gave it 
a peculiar interest to the Maine Historical Society, 
having special reference from the beginning to the 
end to the colonization of Norumbega. 

It required no extended examination for me to 
decide that it was a document most desirable to be 
copied and published in our Collections ; and it re- 
quired no labored persuasions to induce Sir Thomas 
to grant my request for that privilege. He cour- 
teously allowed a copyist to be sent, and a copy to be 
made for our use ; and at the same time represented 
that it was for such service alone to the cause of 
truth that he was led to form his collection. 

Under this kind permission, a copy of the table of 
contents or heads of the several chapters was made 
by Mrs. Green at the time, on the spot, and proved 
of great advantage in identifying the manuscript. 

For various reasons, the entire copy was not made 
until several months later ; and having been myself 
absent at the time on the continent, it did not come 
into my control until just before my return home. 



XXU PREFACE. 

It was made by Mr. G. W. Thompson, a clerk of 
the Pubhc Record Office, and was pronomiced by 
Mrs. Green as admirably done. Tracings of the 
original handwriting were made by him, and the 
abbreviations of the manuscript were retained in 
the copy. The spelling of the original, by no means 
uniform, and also the pmictuation, are strictly fol- 
lowed ; and, having been collated page by page with 
the original at the time it was written, it may be 
relied on as hterally faithful. 

The manuscript is written in a contemporaneous 
hand, though it is believed not in that of its author. 
A facsimile of the title-page is given. The book 
consists of sixty-five pages in folio. It is sixteen and 
one-half inches long, and a little over eleven and 
one-half wide, and one-half inch thick. The written 
page is fourteen inches long, and eight and one-half 
wide, with a margin on the left of two inches for 
notes. The commencement of all fresh paragraphs 
is in a large old English hand. There are two num- 
bers upon the back ; viz., " 474," the number against 
which it is entered in Puttick & Simpson's sale 
catalogue of May, 1854 (see page xvi. note), and 
" 14097," its number in Sir Thomas Phillipps's cata- 
logue. The following memoranda are written in 
pencil on the second blank leaf : — 

" This unpublished Manuscript of Hackluj^t's is 
extremely curious. 

" I procured it from the family of Sir Peter Thomson. 

" The editors of the last edition would have given 
any money for it, had it been known to have existed." 



PREFACE. XXIU 

These memoranda are believed to be in the hand- 
writing of Lord Valentia, at the sale of whose 
collection it was purchased by Mr. Henry Stevens, 
of London. From him it passed to the library of 
Sir Thomas Phillipps, through the auction sale of 
Messrs. Puttick & Simpson, of London, in May, 
1854, for £44. The " last edition," referred to in 
the concluding pencil memorandum, must be that of 
Hakluyt's Collection, in five volumes, 1809-12, of 
which R. H. Evans was the editor. 

In Mr. Stevens's Historical and Geographical Notes, 
published in 1869, p. 20, he says of this Discourse: 
" This valuable manuscript . . . was in the posses- 
sion of the writer for two or three years, having 
fallen into his hands some sixteen or seventeen years 
ago by a piece of good luck, after a bibliographical 
tournament memorable as any recorded by Dibdin. 
After fruitless endeavors to find for it a resting place 
in some public or private library in America, and 
subsequently in the British Museum, it finally be- 
came the property of Sir Thomas PhilliiDps." 

The earliest notice of the existence of this manu- 
script, after it had been lost sight of for nearly two 
centuries, is in the family of Sir Peter Thomson,^ 

1 Sir Peter Thomson, or Thompson, was a great collector of rare books, 
manuscripts, fossils, and other literary curiosities. He lived for many 
years in Bermondsey, County Surrey ; but in 1763 he wholly retired to 
the place of his birth, at Poole, County Dorset, where he died in 1770, be- 
queathing his valuable library to a kinsman bearing his name. Part of it 
soon after came to the hammer; and the sale of the remainder, described as 
" The Library of Sir Peter Thompson, Knt., F.R.S., and F.S.A., containing 
many curious and scarce articles in old English Literature, MSS., and rare 
Books," took place at Evans's, 29th April, 1815, and the four following 
days. Lowndes frequently gives the prices at which some of the books 
were sold. See Nichols's Literary Anecdotes, V. 511-514, IX. 800, 801. — Ed. 



XXIV PREFACE. 

from whom, if the above conjecture as to the author 
of the pencil memoranda is correct, it passed to Lord 
Valentia. From whom it came into the hands of Sir 
Peter Thomson is not known. Some clew may yet 
be furnished. The family of Lord Valencia belongs 
to Ireland. 

It should be added that the copy of this Discourse 
has been strictly followed in every essential particular, 
in the printing. In a few instances, some liberties have 
been taken with the capital letters, and a point has 
been added or omitted in accordance with the author's 
general style of punctuation, or where the sense re- 
quired the alteration. Some abbreviated words have 
been printed according to modern usage, when the 
spelling conformed to the usage of Hakluyt's time. 
The citations of the author from native or foreign 
writers have been compared in every instance wher- 
ever the editions or versions used by him have been 
accessible, and any required corrections made. The 
running-title in the printed volume has been added 
by the editor. 

LEONARD WOODS. 



INTRODUCTION. 



After I had made my arrangements, early in the 
summer of 1867, to spend a few months in foreign 
travel, I had the honor to receive from the Governor 
of Maine a commission, in pursuance of the Resolves 
of the Legislature in aid of the Maine Historical 
Society, authorizing me to procure materials from 
the foreign archives, libraries, and collections, for the 
early history of the State. This commission was ac- 
companied by a circular letter from the Department 
of State at Washington, commending the object to 
the favor of those to whom it might be presented. 

In discharging this commission, my first care was 
to obtain materials illustrating the discovery of the 
coast of Maine, and more particularly to obtain copies 
of the original maps and charts in which this dis- 
covery is progressively delineated. And here it 
was my good fortune to engage for the Society the 
service of one who was already prepared to render it 
by his extended researches and large collections, and 
who had already been employed by our government 
in a kindred labor. The result is seen in the first 
volume of the Documentary History of our State, 
published by this Society in 1869. 



XXVI INTEODUCTION. 

Another fruit of my visit to England was the 
following Discourse of Richard Hakluyt on the 
colonization of Nonimbega. I have already stated, in 
a prefatory note, that the manuscript from which our 
copy was made belonged to the late Sir Thomas 
Phillipps, and was preserved in his noble collection in 
Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, England ; and that, 
by his generosity and courtesy, the Maine Historical 
Society is now enabled to publish it for the first time, 
nearly three hundred years after it was written. 

At the date of the Discourse, the memorable year 
1584, the English, after a long slumber, were just 
beginning to awake to a sense of the value of these 
" Western Discoveries," and of the importance of 
occupying them with people of their own race. In 
the second patent granted to John Cabot, in 1498, 
permission was given him to transport English sub- 
jects to the " Londe and Isles of late founde " by him ; 
but no settlement was then effected. And from that 
time, during a period of eighty years, none had 
been seriously attempted, until the enterprise of Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert, the complete failure of which 
had been ascertained only within a few months. 

This failure of the English to take actual possession 
by colonization of the countries of the New World 
first discovered by them, and still unoccupied by any 
Christian nation, has been regarded as a perplexing 
problem by many writers, even by those who have 
not lived to see, in the subsequent grandeur of their 
colonial empire, that it was rather a fault than a 
misfortune. 



INTRODUCTION. XXVU 

In "The Epistle Dedicatorie " to the "Divers 
Voyages," published in 1582, near the close of this 
long period of inaction, Richard Hakluyt wrote as 
follows : " I marvaile not a little, that since the first 
discouerie of America, which is nowe full fourscore 
and tenne yeers, after so great conquests and plantings 
of the Spaniards and Portingales there, that wee of 
England could neuer haue the grace to set fast foot- 
ing'^in such fertill and temperate places as are left as 
ye^t vnpossessed of them." Could he have foreseen 
the colonizing energy which has since been so emi- 
nently displayed by the English race, he would only 
have wondered the more that it remained so long 
latent, and that the power, which soon proved itself 
easily capable of overmastering all its competitors 
for the possession of the Continent, was so slow to 
enter the lists. 

It is represented in several of the biographies of 
Sir Walter Raleigh, and also in some of the general 
Hstories of his time, that when, after the failure of 
his step-brother. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, he under- 
took the work of planting a colony in North America, 
he drew up and presented to the Queen and Council 
a certain discourse, or memorial, in aid of that enter- 
prise, and that by this means he obtained the grant 
of his first Letters Patent.^ 

In these several statements, this memorial, or dis- 
course, is said to have been drawn up and written by 

1 See Oldys's and Birch's Lives of Raleigh, in Vol. I pp. 50, 580, Works, 
Oxford, 1829 ; Mrs. Thomson's Memoirs of Raleigh, p. 39 ; St. John 8 Life 
of Raleigh, p. 85. Compare Napier in Edinburgh Rev., Vol. LXXI. pp. 9-U. 



XXVm INTEODUCTIOX. 

Raleigh himself, and jDresented by him before his 
patent was granted. 

But, whatever this memorial may have been, it was 
not the identical Discourse with which we are now con- 
cerned. That bears unquestionable evidence through- 
out its pages of having been written by Hakluyt, 
by request and direction of Mr. Walter Raleigh, and 
before the return, and of course after the sailing, of 
the two barks sent out by him under the patent. As 
neither of these discourses was known at that time to 
be in existence, possibly they may have been con- 
founded the one with the other. But, without taking 
notice of this possibility, it will appear not improbable, 
from evidence hereafter to be adduced, that this 
memorial, drawn up and ascribed to Raleigh, received 
a helping hand from Hakluyt, and furnished the germ 
of the Discourse written by the latter after the 
patent had been granted. 

As I have already said, the memorial is described 
to have been written and presented before the j^at- 
ent was issued to Raleigh, 25th March, 1584. The 
Discourse purports, on its title-page, to have been 
written before the return of the two barks which 
had been sent out by Raleigh under that patent ; that 
is, between the 27th April and the middle of Septem- 
ber. It was written in London, and from several 
passages in its contents appears to have been in hand 
as late as after the month of August, 1584. Again, 
the memorial, or such part of it as may have been 
contributed by Hakluyt, must have been written in 
Paris, since Hakluyt had gone there the previous 



INTRODUCTION. XXIX 

year as chaplain, and he is known by his letters to 
have been there as late as 1st April, 1584. 

In the year 1583, Hakluyt, then thirty years old, 
had gone to Paris as chaplain to Sir Edward Stafford. 
He had intended to join the last and fatal expedition 
of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, which sailed in June of 
that year. It w^as, however, probably thought that 
his ser\aces w^ould be more valuable to the cause of 
Western discoveries and colonization, to which he had 
devoted himself from his boyhood, in the post of 
observation and influence to which he was appointed. 
If such an opinion had been entertained, it was fully 
justified by the service rendered by him in his new 
position. Two letters of his, written to Secretary 
Walsingham during the first year of his residence 
in Paris, were contributed by Mr. Payne Collier to 
the Society of Antiquaries in 1850, and printed 
for the first time in the Archaeologia, Vol. XXXIII. 
pp. 287-291, and reprinted by Mr. John Winter 
Jones in his Introduction to his edition of Hakluyt's 
"Divers Voyages"; but the originals have since 
been indicated in the Calendar of State Papers, 
Dom. EKz. Vol. CLXVII., No. 7, and Vol. CLXX., 
No. 1. From these letters, dated 7th January and 
1st April, 1584, it appears that it was the expectation 
of the Secretary that Hakluyt should make " diligent 
inquirie of such thinges as may yeeld any light unto 
our westerne discoverie " ; and that, on his part, he 
" nether has, nor wdll omitte any possible diligence," 
in collecting information of the Spanish and French 
movements, and in recommending measures for the 



XXX INTKODUCTION. 

furtherance of the cause, — such as the establishment 
of a Lectureship on Navigation, and offering himself 
to go now in " this present setting forth," as he had 
in the previous year ; and, in general, to employ all 
his simple observations, reading, and conference in 
the service of God and his country. 

In all this, however, his relations appear to be 
with Secretary Walsingham, or, in his illness, with 
his step-son, Christopher Carlyle, or his son-in-law. 
Sir Philip Sidney ; and there is as yet no mention of 
his having any connection with Raleigh, or of his hav- 
ing written any thing in aid of his enterprise, though 
it was already on foot at the time these letters were 
written. 

Indeed, no positive evidence has been hitherto 
accessible, so far as I am aware, of Sir Walter 
Raleigh's being beholden to Hakluyt for any services 
in aid of his Western discovery and voyage ; certainl}^ 
for any so valuable as contributions, either memorial 
or discourse, in that behalf. The first indication 
hitherto known even of any honorable acknowledg- 
ment of Raleigh's services in the Western discoveries, 
on the part of Hakluyt, is that found in his Dedication 
to Raleigh, 1st May, 1587, of his translation of Lau- 
donniere's History of the Florida Settlement. His 
*' Divers Voyages," published in 1582, was dedicated 
to Sir Philip Sidney, and contains no mention of Sir 
Walter Raleigh. In these two interesting letters 
written from Paris, he represents himself as expected 
to supply information to Walsingham and Carlyle, 
and as sparing no pains in sending them whatever 



INTRODUCTION. XXXI 

might be useM. But there is no mention of his 
having rendered a similar service to Kaleigh, or of his 
having stood in any relation to him whatever. There 
is certainly a probability that the great actor in 
this enterj)rise of Western discovery would have 
looked to the diligent student for instruction and in- 
formation, but this probability has not been hitherto 
supported by a scrap of historical evidence. 

On the first coming to light of this Discourse, the 
claim on its title-page, to have been written in Lon- 
don, by Richard Hakluyt, in the summer of 1584, 
at the request and direction of Mr. Walter Raleigh, 
could not be substantiated by any authority, after a 
diligent search by myself and others, with the best 
possible opportunity for finding whatever might exist. 

But in a letter written 7th April, 1585, now for the 
first time published, we have clear and unexpected 
evidence from the pen of Hakluyt himself, not only 
of his being occupied in his position at the embassy 
in sending Raleigh information, and printed and 
written discourses respecting his voyage, but of his 
having written for him a Discourse, corresponding in 
its objects, time, and other circumstances with the 
manuscript which has come into our possession. This 
letter was found, soon after this Discourse came into 
my hands, among the State Papers, by Mrs. Green, 
while looking for documents for the Addenda to the 
Calendar of the reign of Elizabeth ; and, seeing at a 
glance the conclusive evidence furnished by it for the 
elucidation of our inquiries, she kindly sent me a 
copy of it in advance of its publication in her Calen- 



XXXll INTKODUCTION. 

dar. It is printed below, and a facsimile of tlie 
first page of the original manuscript is given in the 
Appendix.^ 

'^Richard Hakluyt to Sir Francis Walsingham. 

Public Record Office. Dom. Eliz. Addenda. Vol. XXIX. No. 9. 

Yo' Honor's goodness extended diverse wayes unto mee at my being in 
England the last somer, doth much encourage mee at this present to crave 
yo' favour in a matter more then reasonable. Y' pleased her Ma"' twoe 
dayes before my dispach, upon the sight of a couple of books of myne in 
writinge, one in latine upon Aristotle's politicks, the other in english 
concerning M^ Rawley's voyage (the copie whereof I purpose to send 
yo' honor immediately after Ester) to grant mee the next vacation of a 
prebend in Bristol, wch is a thinge of very small valewe. The words of my 
graunt are, that I shold enjoy yt next, whether yt be by death, vacation, 
resignation, or any other way howosoever. And yet since my cominge out 
of England I am advertised that one Mr. Sanders, a prebend of that place, 
ether hath or meaneth to resigne his roome to another, wch if yt be not 
hindered by yo' honor's favour, my reversion wil not be worth the money 
that the seales did stand mee in, for if these resignations be permitted, I may 
be these sevne and sevne yeares before I shal be placed. Therefore I am 
humbly to beseech yo' honor that yo wold not sufEer my grante to be 
frustrated by any such dealing. How careful I have bin to advertise 
S' Walter Rawley from tyme to tyme, and to send him discourses, both in 
printe and written hand, concerninge his voyage, I had rather you shold 
understand of him then of myselfe. I was loath to trouble yo' honor 
w" those by matters consideringe the busines of the tymes. And to 
medle in other matters that appertayne not unto mee without commission, 
I cold not tel howe y* wold have bin taken. Notwithstanding since these 
newe Grisons tumults, I have bin more vigilant and careful to seeke howe 
things goe then heretofore, and what I can lerne amonge them of the 
religion I alwayes bring unto my lord, wch can judge of reports, and ad- 
vertise y°" of the truth. One thing I note, that the Spanish ambassadour, 
the Pope's nuncio, and the Jesuits, if any thinge fal out in any parte of 
Christendome on their side, they blase yt abroade by their swarmes of spies, 
to the uttermost in every corner. And if matter fayle them, they cease not 
every second day to coyne newe rumors and false bruits, wch, notwith- 
standing, they be most untrue and vayne, yet I find by experience that 
they worke very great and strange effects. On the other side if any thinge 
fal out against them, they seeke a thousand devises and shifts to supprcsse 
yt. As they covered conningly a good while their overthrowe in Februarie 
last amonge the Grisons : and nowe of late w'^ terrible othes they deny 
their defeyt upon the river of Andwerpe ; wch we cannot urge soe farr 
foorth as we wold, unlesse wee had certayne advertisement thereof out of 
England. Notwithstanding I have bin advertised by men of good intelli- 
gence that whereas the Prince of Parma had purposed to have ayded 



INTEODUCTION. XXXlll 

The chaplain of the embassy, not content with 
keeping Walsingham, Carlyle, and Sidney well in- 
formed regarding the Western enterprises, had also 
been careful, I repeat, to advertise Sir Walter Raleigh 
from time to time, and to send him discourses, both 
printed and written, concerning his voyage. As these 
are spoken of as sent from Paris, and not furnished 
in London, they may have been contributions of Hak- 
luyt to the memorial above referred to, by means of 
which Raleigh's patent was procured. 

It appears also by this letter that " two dayes before 

Guise with fifteen hundred footemen and three hundred Albaneses Horse- 
men, upon these newe accidents at Ostend and on the river, he hath been con- 
strayned to send a countermaund to stay them at home ; wch matter of And- 
werpe if yt be vvel followed wil frustrate Guise of his forces that he hoped 
for out of the Lowe countreys and constrayne him and his faction to sur- 
cease his troubling of them of the religion, and to growe more willingly to 
composition with the King. Yt was told mee in secret that the King had 
sent by Marseilles a messenger to Constantinople within lesse than this 
moneth. Yo' honor may gesse why wee hear that here is looked for shortly 
a legate from Rome. I wold have sent j'o' honor diverse Pamphlets both in 
writing and printed but that I knowe Mr. Wade hath them al for yo' Honor. 
Therefore for the present I surcease, beseeching the Almightie to blesse and 
prosper yo" . Paris the T* of April 85, yo' honor's humble to command. 

Richard Haklutt. 

The rumor of S' Walter Rawle's Fleet, and especially the preparation of 
S' Francis Drake, doth soe much vexe the Spaniard and his fautors as 
nothing can doe more ; and therefore I cold wysli that although S'' Francis 
Drake's journey be stayed, yet the rumor of his setting forward might be 
continued. They have sent some to enquire of that action in conning 
manner of my Lord himself, as he told me. 

They have given out here within these three dayes even in the French 
Courte, that diverse my Lords in England were up in armes, and the Catho- 
licks with them, and that they had taken an Hand yea Creith, yo' man 
was diverse tymes demanded thereof. 

[Addressed] 
To the right honorable 
[Endorsed] S' Francis Walsingham 

7 April. principal Secretarie to 

From M. Hackluyt. her Ma"° give these 

at the Courte. 
e 15S5 



XXXIV INTRODUCTION. 

his dispach," — that is, before his return to Paris, evi- 
dently in the early part of the autumn of 1584, — he 
exhibited to the Queen a manuscript book in English 
concerning " Mr. Rawley's voyage," — a book thus 
agreeing with the purport of the title-page of our 
Discourse to have been written before the return of 
the two barks, which happened about the middle of 
September, and with the evidence within its pages 
that it was still in hand after August of that year. 

It will perhaps be considered as sufficiently proved, 
therefore, that a discourse answering in a general 
way to our manuscript, as to its author, contents, 
time and place of composition, was written by Hak- 
luyt, and presented to the Queen, say in September, 
1584. But how can we know that that discourse was 
identically the same one here published for the first 
time ; or that it might not have been another discourse 
quite different from this, which, having served its 
purpose, was like this permitted to fall into oblivion ? 
This question is satisfactorily answered by another 
paper found in the Rolls Office, and indicated in Mr. 
Lemon's Calendar of State Papers of the reign of 
Elizabeth, 1581-90, Vol. CXCV., Art. 127, by the 
following notice : 

" Copy, probably in the handwriting of James Lancas- 
ter, the navigator, of the 20 Heads of Chapters contained 
in the book of Sir Walter Raleigh's Voyage to the West 
Indies, which is offered for the rareness of the matter, and 
for that few or none (her Majesty excepted) hath seen the 
same. The bearer and author, Mr. Hakluyt, will present 
the book to the Secretary." 



INTKODUCTION. XXXV 

Tlie same paper is indicated in Mr. Sainsbury's 
Calendar of the Colonial Series, East Indies, placed 
there on account of the head of the 17th chapter, 
while the other nineteen heads refer to the West 
Indies : — 

" Heads of the Chapters contained in the book of Sir 
Walter Raleigh's voyage to the West Indies. In the 17th 
it is argued that by these Colonies [proposed to be planted] 
the North-west passage to Cathay and China may be 
easily, quickly, and perfectly searched out, as well by 
river and overland as by sea, and proofs are quoted from 
testimonies out of the three volumes of voyages, gathered 
by Ramusius and other great authors." ^ — (1513-1616, 
p. 94.) 

This entry had already been copied for me by Mr. 
Sainsbury, among other extracts, from the Calendars ; 
and, without attracting particular attention, had 
become familiar to my eye. Accordingly, when I 
read in the title-page of the manuscript of Sir 
Thomas Phillipps that the "Discourse is divided 
into twenty-one chapters, the titles whereof follow," 
this entry was vaguely recalled to my recollection, 
and a surmise suggested that this Discourse might 
be the lost book of Sir Walter Raleigh's voyage to 
which it refers. This surmise was strengthened by 

1 In the above abstract from Mr. Sainsbury's Calendar, he does not give 
the important information from the foot-note of the Heads of Chapters 
that Mr. Hakluyt was the author of the book of Sir Walter Raleigh's Voy- 
age, as Mr. Lemon had done in the abstract quoted from his Calendar. 
Hakluyt's name seems also to have escaped Mr. St. John, in his Life of 
Ealeigh (1869, p. 23), who appears to have consulted those Heads of Chap- 
ters, or the abstracts in the Calendars, as he attributes the lost book to Sir 
Walter Raleigh. 



XXXVl INTRODUCTION. 

noticing that the title of the seventeenth chapter 
given by Mr. Sainsbury agrees literally with the 
title of the seventeenth chapter in the manuscript. 
It was accordingly with a strong presumption of the 
truth of my conjecture that I repaired to the Public 
Record Office, and, working again with the assistance 
of Mrs. Green, obtained access to the original paper ; 
and on comparing with her the 20 heads of chcqyters, 
with the titles of the 21 heads of cha29ters into which 
the Discourse is divided, obtained not an absolute 
agreement, but an agreement in which the very 
differences only prove more clearly that they were 
copies of a common original. 

To make this more obvious, a facsimile of the 
original paper is here presented, followed by a literal 
copy of two or three of the heads of chapters, in 
which the words and parts of words torn away, or 
effaced from the original, by time or accident, are 
supplied, not by conjecture, but from the titles of 
our Discourse. The supplementary words and letters 
drawn from the titles of the Discourse tally exactly, 
in every instance, with the fragmentary parts of the 
Heads of Chapters. (See Appendix.) 

The 21st chapter of the Phillipps manuscript is of 
the nature of an appendix, and was subsequently 
added. Its title is, " A note of some thinges to be 
prepared for the voyadge, which is sett down rather to 
drawe the takers of the voyadge in hande to the 
presente consideration, then for any other reason," 
&c. ; and the heading of the concluding part of that 
chapter is, " Things forgotten may here be noted as 
they come to mynde," &c. 



INTRODUCTION. XXXVU 

But a very important and interesting foot-note is 
written underneath the Heads of Chapters in the 
manuscript in the Record Office, of which the follow- 
ing is a copy, in modern spelling : — 

" These twenty several titles are the heads of the chap- 
ters contained in the book of Sir Walter Raleigh's Voyage 
to the West Indies, which, because of the rareness of 
matter therein contained, and also for that few or none (her 
Majesty excepte) hath seen, I thought it best to offer 
your Worship my labor therein as one who best deserveth 
the same, and therefore have sent you the titles to know 
whether you like of the same or no. This bearer and 
author of the foresaid work, Mr. Hakluyt, doth at this 
instant present the book, written all with my hand, to Mr. 
Secretary, who hath very earnestly often times writ for 
it, and so hath the Earl of Leicester ; but, as yet, this is 
the first exscription, and, if your Worship please, you shall 
have the second, when I shall understand so." 

This foot-note is singularly interesting and singu- 
larly obscure and difficult of interpretation, were it 
not for the key furnished by papers recently come to 
light. It is in reality a letter, though it has nothing 
in the usual form to show when, where, and by whom 
it was written, or to whom it was addressed. These 
points, however, may be inferred, with reasonable 
probability, from the contents of the note, taken in 
connection with the Hakluyt letter of 7th April, 1585, 
and other contemporary facts. In that letter, written 
in Paris, Mr. Hakluyt informs Secretary Walsingham 
of his purpose to send his Honor, immediately after 
Easter, the copy of a manuscript book of his in Eng- 



XXXVIU II^TRODUCTION. 

lish concerning Mr. Raleigh's Voyage, which had 
been shown to Queen EHzabeth two days before he 
left England the previous year. In the foot-note we 
read that Mr. Hakluyt, the bearer and author of the 
aforesaid book, doth at this instant present it to Mr. 
Secretary. What has led our good chaplain to alter 
his j)lan, and to be the bearer of his book instead of 
sending it by another ? In his letter, he seems to be 
anxious lest his grant from the Queen of the next 
vacancy of a prebend in Bristol Cathedral should be 
frustrated by the dealing of Mr. Sanders, a prebend 
of that place. 

Now, even if other evidence were wanting, it 
is to be presumed that he would have sent the copy 
at the time promised, unless he could count upon 
presenting it in person not far from that time ; and 
we accordingly infer that it was not long after 
Easter that Mr. Hakluyt presented his copy to Mr. 
Secretary. The fact that he was in England again 
not far from Easter, in the spring of 1585, is con- 
firmed by the following item extracted from the 
Records of the Chapter Book of the Bristol Cathe- 
dral ; namely, on the 24th of May, 1585, Richard 
Hakluyt exhibited the Queen's mandate for the next 
prebend.^ It would seem accordingly that, not con- 

1 From tlie Records of the Chapter Books of the Bristol Cathedral, it 
appears that on 24tli May, 1585, Richard Hakluyt exhibited tiie Queen's 
mandate for the next vacant prebend. Tiiis is the statement of John Le 
Neve in his " Fasti Ecclesiae Angl." In Browne Willis's " Survey of Cathe- 
di-als," II. 788-9, the statement is that he obtained, 24th May, 1585, the Royal 
mandate, which seems to be incorrect, as Hakluyt in his letter represents 
himself as having obtained it, and paid money for the seals, at the close ot 
his vacation in England, the previous year. It would seem probable that 



INTRODUCTION. XXxix 

tent with having invoked the aid of Walsingham to 
prevent being frustrated by the deahng of Mr. Sand- 
ers, he thought it best, perhaps on the suggestion of 
the Secretary, and doubtless by the permission of 
the Ambassador, to visit England again, and exhibit in 
person before the Chapter of Bristol Cathedral the 
Queen's mandate, which he had received the previous 
year before his " dispach " from England, and which 
was already signed and sealed. 

It may then be safely inferred that Mr. Hakluyt 
presented the book to Secretary Walsingham not far 
from the time when he purposed to send it ; that is, 
soon after Easter, 1585. 

Having thus in duty bound presented the first 
copy to Walsingham, who would be thought of by 
him as best deserving the next ? who sooner than his 
old fellow-student at Oxford, the steady friend of the 
Western planting, to whom he had himself dedicated 
his first work on the Divers Voyages (1582), whom 
he had almost persuaded the last summer to join in 
this voyage of Raleigh, the worthy and virtuous son- 
in-law of Walsingham, to whom in all his letters to 

he exhibited this mandate in person, having some anxiety about the deal- 
ing'Of Mr. Sanders, and having his old friends the Aklworths to see, and 
desiring to learn something about the Western Navigations in that seat of 
maritime enterprise. It seems lie did not have to wait " for seven and seven 
years before he should be placed," as he feared ; for, before the close of the 
year 1585, the coveted vacancy occurred by the death of the Rev. Arthur 
Sawle, and he was admitted in 1586, and held it, together with his other 
preferments, till the time of his death in 1616. (Compare Biog. Brit., Vol. 
IV. 1757.) "Notwithstanding this preferment, he did not, as he informs 
us himself, give up liis post of chaplain to the British Embassy, at Paris, 
imtil 1588, when he returned to England with Lady Sheffield, sister to his 
early patron, the Lord Admiral Howard, after a residence in France of five 
years." (Jones's Introd. to Divers Voyages.) 



Xl INTKODUCTION. 

the Secretary he sent his personal compHments, — 
Sir PhiHp Sidney ? What more natural than that, 
having made a copy of the titles of the Heads of 
Chapters, with a view of offering it to him, he should 
then and there write a note at the end of the extract, 
offering that first extract, and more if he desired it ? ^ 
At the time of the presentation of this Discourse 
to Walsingham, and when the author made the copy 
of the Heads of Chapters for another person, the 
book could not have been wholly finished in its 
present form. Certainly an additional chapter (No. 
21) was subsequently added, as a sort of appendix. 
The title-page which the Discourse now bears could 
not have been prefixed to the copy presented to the 
Queen, if we may suppose that she received it not 
long after it was written, — that is, " before the com- 
ing home of the two barks," in September, 1584, — 
inasmuch as " Mr. Walter Rayhly, nowe Knight," was 
not knighted till some months later, — between the 
19th December, 1584, and the 24th February, 1585. 
In Hakluyt's letter from Paris referred to, he speaks 
of this book presented to the Queen, as " Mr. Rawley's 
Voyage in English " ; and in the foot-note to the heads 

1 The copy of the twenty Heads of Chapters in the Record Office, with 
the note written underneath, evidently originating with Hakluyt, appears 
not to be in his handwriting. At least, Mrs. Green thinks it cannot be 
his, unless he had two hands differing considerably from each otlier. Mr. 
Lemon believed tlie document to be in the handwriting of Sir James Lan- 
caster, the celebrated navigator, which is not confirmed. Hakluyt's original 
paper may have been subsequently transcribed by another, as there is 
subjoined to the Record Office copy, in the same hand, some " particulars 
of the embassy from the King of Japan to Pope Gregory XIIL, with the 
oration of the ambassador, and the answer of the pontiff." Pope Gregory 
gave audience to this embassy on the 23d March, 1585, as we learn from 
Purchas (Pilgrimage, ed. 1614, p. ScjS^. 



INTRODUCTION. xli 

of chapters, " as the booke of S"* Walt : Eaighleyes 
viage to the West Indies." Quite hkely the present 
title-jDage was prefixed to the Discourse at the time 
the 21st chapter was added, concerning which we have 
no positive data. 

It would appear from the foregoing that at least 
three, if not four, copies of this Discourse, were 
made by Hakluyt, besides the original, which he 
would naturally retain for himself. The first was 
presented to the Queen, as it was written for her own 
eye, and for those to whom she might choose to show 
it. It was not written for the press. The second was 
made for her chief secretary, Walsingham, who had 
heard of the book, perhaps had seen the Queen's 
copy, and now desired a copy for himself. A third 
may have been made for his " Worship," to whom the 
Heads of Chapters were sent; and the fourth, Sir 
Thomas Phillipps's copy, which alone contained the 
21st chapter, or appendix. 

How many of these copies were in Hakluyt's own 
handwriting we have no means of knowing, nor 
whether any other copies are now in existence. It is 
certainly not improbable that others may be hidden 
away in some royal chamber, buried in the dust of 
ages, or in some private collection ; and that they 
may yet be brought to light by accident, or rescued 
from their hiding-place by some plodding antiquary. 
A manuscript so large as this, written by so renowned 
an author, under such distinguished auspices, relat- 
ing to a subject more vital than any other to the 
w^elfare of England, could hardly, after its unmedi- 

/ 



Xlii INTRODUCTION". 

ate use, have been treated with neglect or allowed 
to perish by the illustrious personages into whose 
hands it came, or, one would think, by their heirs 
and assigns. 

At the time when this Discourse purports to have 
been written, in the summer of 1584, Raleigh, though 
only thirty-two years old, had already earned his 
position and entered upon the career as the founder 
of the transatlantic colonies of Great Britain. Every 
thing in the circumstances of his birth, his early 
education and subsequent experience, had contributed 
to qualify him for this position and work. Descended 
on his mother's side from the Champernouns, a family 
equally distinguished for rank and for pubhc services, 
he had inherited a noble nature, instinct with loyalty, 
patriotism, and the spirit of honorable enterprise. 
These gifted powers had received an early bias in the 
direction of maritime adventure. He lived in the 
county of Devon, bordering easterly upon the sea, and 
saw the ships depart for the new-found lands, and, 
when they returned, heard the stories of the captain 
and sailor, of the wonders they had witnessed and 
the exploits they had performed. In his boyhood, he 
read the tales of Spanish discovery, conquest, and 
possession in the New World, and conceived a 
youthful admiration for the heroism in danger, and 
fortitude and patience in suffering, which he had 
occasion enough to remember in his own subsequent 
fortunes, and which he expressed in the review of 
his life, from the outlook of the Tower, in his History 
of the World. 



INTRODUCTION. xliii 

But as he grew up, and began to enter into the 
great conflict of the age and of the country, liis ad- 
miration for Spanish heroism was supplanted by a 
detestation for Spanish aggressions. During the five 
or six years of his service in France for the Hugue- 
nots, under Coligny, he had learned the fate experi- 
enced by the Huguenot Colony in Florida at the 
hands of the Spaniards, and at the same time had 
Hstened to the story of the beauty and richness and 
extent of the country, stretching far away to the 
north ; and had seen them drawn in Hvely colors by 
Le Moyne, whom he had brought to London and 
maintained at his own charges at Blackfriars, with a 
view to his own projects. 

He seems thus early to have resolved that those 
fair regions beyond the seas should not be so easily 
abandoned to the Spanish power, but that the ex- 
periment of an English colony should be tried, by 
which Spain could be confronted on this new sphere, 
and this Land of Promise be wrested from her 
grasp, with all its beauties and treasures, and 
added to the domain- of the sovereign Lady of Brit- 
ain. His eyes were now turned to the West ; and he 
saw, by faith, future colonies planted there in de- 
fiance of Spain, and could not be contented till he 
was engaged in the work. 

Soon after his return from France, in 1576, he 
accordingly enUsted in the projects of his step- 
brother. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who for more than 
twenty years had employed himself by successive 
petitions, and at length by an elaborate discourse, in 



Xliv INTRODUCTION. 

recommending to the Queen and the government to 
prosecute the Western discovery and colonization, 
but with no other effect than to set on foot the gold- 
hunting expeditions of Frobisher. These had nearly 
run their course, ending in disappointment and mor- 
tification, when Raleigh brought to the aid of Gilbert 
the enthusiasm and energy of his character, and im- 
pressed a new stamp upon the cause. There is some 
reason for thinking that the views of Raleigh differed 
in some respects from those originaUy advocated by 
Gilbert, and that, although he was younger by thir- 
teen years, he exerted a strong influence in giving 
force and direction to the subsequent enterprises of 
Sir Humphrey. 

He enlisted in the projects of his step-brother, and 
went with him on his first expedition, — from Novem- 
ber, 1578, to June, 1579, — under the Royal Charter, 
which ended, indeed, in disaster, but at the same 
time, it is plausibly conjectured, furnished him that 
personal knowledge of the state of the Spanish pos- 
sessions in the New World, so useful to him, and by 
which his future course was directed. 

About the same period, for three or four years, he 
was employed in various military and diplomatic ser- 
vices in Ireland, and in the Netherlands, by which, if 
he was diverted temporarily from his favorite mari- 
time enterprises, he was engaged in contending 
against the same omnipresent enemy, and gained 
that knowledge of the whole field of action and of 
the great actors in it, and that favor of the Queen 
and the Council, by which he became eminently 



INTRODUCTION. xlv 

qualified for the great part he was soon to act, and 
was enabled to accomplish with such efficiency. 

Relieved at length from these engagements, he 
returned to his more congenial projects, and early 
in 1584 aided his brother Adrian Gilbert in pro- 
curing a patent, and in fitting out an expedition for 
the discovery of the North-west Passage ; having, 
in the previous year, assisted his brother Humphrey 
in setting forth his second and fatal expedition, under 
his patent of 1578. Though he did not embark in 
person, he spared no expense in equipping a ship, 
which bore his own name, but which, however, soon 
returned to port, either through the breaking out 
of some infectious disease, as reported, or by the 
treachery of the captain, as conjectured by Hayes. 

On the 9th of September, 1583, the bark of Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert foundered, and this gallant adven- 
turer went down. But the cause did not sink with 
him. When the news of his fate reached England by 
the return of the " Golden Hind," 22d September, 
it was resolved by the adherents of Gilbert that the 
cause should be prosecuted. There were many as- 
pirants for the leadership ; but Raleigh distanced all 
competitors, and obtained, 25th March, 1584, a patent 
from the Queen, renemng to him all the privileges 
granted to Sir Humphrey Gilbert. On the 27th of 
the next month, he sent out two barks with directions 
to explore the coast, and awaited their return and 
the report they should bring, before sending forth 
the first English colony. 

To Raleigh's hands was now intrusted the work of 



Xlvi INTRODUCTION. 

planting the English race on the shores of the New 
World. Under this grant of Elijzabeth, till its for- 
feiture by the attainder of James in 1603, all that 
was done in this honorable service, during this twenty 
years, was under Raleigh's title. 

What he did has been often told, and has left 
nothing to be desired, and does not concern us here. 
The reason which controlled his action, and the policy 
out of which this effort grew, have not been so fully 
exhibited. This policy was slowly developed by his 
experiences in France, in Ireland and the Nether- 
lands ; as also in his reading, and in his intercourse 
with Coligny, William of Orange, and other distin- 
guished statesmen of the time. 

Though Raleigh's Virginia enterprise failed, and 
he has not the honor of planting the English race in 
America, " his hopes were strong enough to with- 
stand the failure of nine several expeditions, and the 
natural discouragement of twelve years' imprison- 
ment. Just on the eve of his own fall from outward 
greatness, he had written : ' I shall yet hve to see it 
an English Nation.' That faith remained with 
him to the Tower, and he did live to see his pre- 
diction realized. . . His Virginia enterprise had 
failed, but his perseverance in it had sown broad- 
cast the seeds of eventual success. . . Raleigh is the 
virtual founder of Virginia, and of what has grown 
thereout." (Edwards's life of Raleigh, I. 91, 93.) 

Having now assumed this great work of coloniza- 
tion, he felt its responsibihty, and employed the in- 



INTRODUCTION. xlvii 

terval in making ready to avail himself of the report 
of his captains, when they should return. 

The different interests of those who had schemes 
of their own, and had been superseded, were to be 
conciliated. New adherents were to be gained. 
His grant was to be confirmed by Parliament.^ The 
general reasons for engaging in this work were to be 
stated, and the particular reasons in the existing state 
of things were to be given. While the great public 
were to be influenced with the prospect of gold, the 
Queen and Council were to be informed of the 
necessity, arising out of the political condition of 
England, for immediate action. A text-book for the 
English Statesman, now that the nation was at length 
starting upon this great work, was to be prepared, 
which should embrace a summary of the reasons for 
this enterprise scattered throagh the Discourses of 
Carlyle, Peckham, and Hayes, already written, and 
which should include a statement of those additional 
reasons which had been suggested to himself : some- 
thing wliich, if it could not be made public as a 
whole, might serve to confirm the faith and define 

1 With diplomatic skill, Raleigli bound to his interest the parties who each 
had separate schemes of his own to prosecute after the death of Gilbert. 
This was accomplished, in part, by his bringing about a marriage between 
Robert Sidne}^ the younger brother of Philip Sidney, and his lovely 
cousin Barbara Gamage, the heiress of large estates, by which Philip Sidney 
and his father-in-law, Walsingham, and the latter's step-son, Christopher 
Carlyle, and Sidney's uncle Leycester, were bound by family ties to his 
enterprise. And it is not, perhaps, ascribing too much to beauty and 
wealth, and the family ties resting on them, to suppose that Barbara had 
something to do in bringing about that accord which was witnessed in Parlia- 
ment a few months later, when Walsingham and Sidney were on a committee 
to whom was referred the application for a confirmation of Raleigh's patent. 
(Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, by James Augustus St. John, 1869, pp. 87, 88.) 



xlviii INTEODUCTION. 

the views of those interested ; so that this might not 
prove as evanescent an interest as some of the pre- 
ceding, — that Frobisher's quest of gold and Adrian 
Gilbert's search for the North-west Passage might 
not be the only motives, — but that a broad, compre- 
hensive, national policy might be adopted. 

Much of this work might be done by himself, but 
some of it, perhaps, might be better done by others. 
While the great policy had formed itself in his own 
mind by his far-reaching views, by his wide experi- 
ence, the exhibiting it with the literary finish and 
the learned illustrations desirable might well be 
thought too much for one immersed in the practical 
business of fitting out this great colonial expedition. 
With few exceptions, the works by which Raleigh's 
fame as an author is established were not written 
until he was confined in the Tower. There were 
points of history, questions of title, theological and 
moral argumentations to be pursued, in which liter- 
ary assistance might be wanted. Dr. Dee, who was 
a kind of literary secretary of this whole enterprise, 
and had often been consulted by navigators, was now 
absent in Germany. 

To whom should Raleigh look for assistance but to 
the young preacher, Richard Hakluyt. Though still 
a young man, he had obtained a high reputation, and 
had made great proficiency in maritime studies. As 
has already been observed, he does not seem to have 
been previously in the confidence of Raleigh, or to 
have known his plans. As late as April, 1584, he 
did not know of Raleigh's having superseded Car- 



INTKODTJCTION. xlix 

lyle. All his relations appear to have been with 
Walsingham, Carlyle, and Sidney. He must how- 
ever, soon after this, have learned the turn matters 
had taken, and that all other schemes were now 
merged into the one voyage of Mr. Raleigh ; and he 
doubtless held himself at the service of the new 
enterprise. We have already noticed that he was 
sent to Paris in the latter part of 1583, as chaplain 
of the embassy ; and from his letters to Walsingham, 
written in January and April of the following year, 
from the embassy, quoted above, it is obvious what 
was the chief object of his mission. He avowed 
his readiness to hold himself and all his talents at the 
service of the cause of Western planting. 

What more natural than that Hakluyt should be 
sent for in the emergency to aid the new enter- 
prise ? Such a hint he can hardly fail to have re- 
ceived from her Majesty's principal secretary, in 
Raleigh's behalf ; and, having obtained leave of the 
Ambassador, he placed himself for the time under 
the direction of his new patron, henceforth the great 
leader in the goodly work of Western planting. He 
was first of all to learn the aims and objects of Raleigh 
in his projected colony ; and he himself has said, in 
the Dedication of his edition of Navigations, 1589, 
that Raleigh was one of those from whom he had 
received the " chief est light " into the Western 
Navigations ; implying that he had got some light 
here, which, with all his studies, he had not received 
before. 

Having gained this new light and taken these in- 

9 



1 INTRODUCTION^. 

structions, he is soon found in London, actively 
engaged in advocating the new enterprise, striking 
high, and aiming to gain over the leading men of 
the times. He does not pass by his fellow-student at 
Oxford ; but after Sidney had surrendered a part of 
the large interest he had obtained to Sir George Peck- 
ham, and bound himself to England by marrying the 
daughter of Walsingham, Hakluyt endeavors to per- 
suade him to join in this new enterprise. In a let- 
ter from Sidney to Stafford, of 21st July, 1584, he 
says, " We are half persuaded to enter the journey 
of Sir Humphrey Gilbert very eagerly, whereunto 
your Mr. Hakluyt hath served for a very good 
trumpet." (Sidney Papers, I. 389.) " The journey 
of Sir Humphrey Gilbert " can be no other than the 
continuation of the enterprise by Ealeigh, Gilbert 
having perished at sea the year before, and his patent 
having expired on the 11th of June, 1584. 

It thus appears that, while he was " trumpeting " 
the cause in the ears of the great men of the nation, 
he was at the same time writing a book for the eyes 
of the Queen and her councillors ; doing thus for his 
new patron what Sir Hmnphrey Gilbert, Sir George 
Peckham, and Christopher Carlyle had each done 
with his own hand for his own enterprise. Raleigh 
had in Hakluyt a scribe well instructed in the matters 
of the Western Navigation, and able from his own 
treasures to bring forth things new and old in the 
enforcement of the views of his oracle. It should 
not detract from the merit of this book, as an expo- 
nent of the views of Raleigh, that his own pen was 



INTRODUCTION. li 

not employed in its production, inasmuch as it 
appears from all the circumstances to have been not, 
indeed, from his dictation, but from his suggestion 
and by his inspiration. 

It might be supposed, from the title-page of this 
Discourse, reciting that it was written at the request 
and direction of the Right Worshipful Mr. Walter 
Raleigh, before the coming home of his two barks, 
that it would have for its object to advocate the pur- 
pose of settlement on those more southern regions 
afterwards taken possession of by him, — the so-called 
Virginia voyage, — thereby associating it with the 
particular expedition on which these vessels were 
sent ; but it will be seen that Raleigh's name is not 
mentioned in it, neither does the Discourse advocate 
the scheme of any particular person or party. It 
recommends the colonization of Norumbega, and 
draws special attention to the region of Cape Breton, 
or the tract near by, as offering superior advantages 
for the beginning of the enterprise. The writer 
contends that England has a just title to all that 
firm land of America, from Florida northward to 
67'^, and not yet in any Christian prince's actual 
possession, as being first discovered by Sebastian 
Cabot at the cost of King Henry VII. ; and that Eng- 
land should consummate this title by taking possession 
by colonization. And in the third chapter he gives a 
particular description of the soil, chmate, and pro- 
ductions of the whole coast from 30'* of latitude north- 
ward, so far as he is able to find such a description ; 
beginning with Ribault, and citing Verrazzano, Gomez, 



Hi INTRODUCTION". 

Cartier, Peckham and many others, whose published 
relations had come under his eye ; showing the wealth 
that may be derived to England from that 2Dart of 
A.merica, " if by our slacknes we suffer not the 
French or others to prevente us." 

The term " Norumbega," which Hakluyt employs, 
had a different significance at different periods. 
There was the fabled city of that name, seated on a 
large river on the coast of Maine, — the Penobscot. 
Then there was the country of Norumbega, of wider 
extent, sometimes embracing Nova Scotia and New 
England, and at one time covering the whole coast 
from Cape Breton to 30° in Florida.^ (See in Ra- 
musio, III. 423, " Delia terra di Norumhecja") Sub- 
sequently, it receded to narrower Hmits, and em- 
braced only the region on both sides of the river to 
which reference has been made. 

Hakluyt appears here to apply the term to a 
considerable extent of country, beginning at Cape 
Breton on the south-west, and extending along the 
coast in that direction without definite limit. And 
while it was evidently associated in his mind with 
the more northerly section, which was better known 
to navigators of that period, it might not have ex- 
cluded the more southerly region, with which geog- 
raphers were then less acquainted. 

In his "Divers Voyages," pubhshed in 1582, — 

1 The name of " Florida " seems to have been restricted by Hakluyt, iu 
its northern boundary, to a region a little north of the territory wliich now 
bears that name, and south of what was called " Wingandacoa," or Vir- 
ginia, after the return of Raleigh's barks, in September, 1584. See note 
in Appendix to " p. 19 " of Discourse. 



INTRODUCTION. liii 

dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney, and no doubt written 
in aid of the Gilbert enterprise, which was favored by 
Sidney and his father-in-law, Walsingham, — he desig- 
nates, by its running title, the voyage of Verrazzano 
along the greater part of our east coast, as " The dis- 
coverie of Morumbega," ^ as he also does, perhaps 
owing to the printer's error in continuing the head- 
line, the account of the uncertain regions visited by 
the brothers Zeni. And Captain John Smith, as late 
as 1620, in the first edition of his "New Englands 
Trials," says, — " These fourteene yeres I haue spared 
neither^pains nor money, according to my abilitie, in 
the discouery of JSforumbega, where with some thirty 
seuen men and boyes, the remainder of an hundred 
and fine, against the fury of the saluages, I began 
that plantation now in Virginia.'" It should be said 
that neither the maps of Hakluyt's time, including 
that of Lok published in the " Divers Voyages," nor 
those of an earlier or later period, give so wide a lati- 
tude to the name as this would seem to indicate. 

But Raleigh's voyage and schemes of colonization 
should not be regarded as in opposition to the general 
plan of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, or of Gilbert's assigns. 
They all had one purpose, that of colonizing the 
country. After the return of the " Golden Hind," 
in September, 1583, bringing the news of the " heavy 
success " of that expedition, and of Gilbert's bark 
having foundered at sea, those interested in his pa- 
tent, by having assignments of land under it, or in 
other ways, resolved to prosecute the enterprise each 

1 The " M " being without Joubt a typographical error for " N." 



liv INTRODUCTIOX. 

for himself, and perhaps to procure a separate Hcense 
or patent from the Queen. Among these several per- 
sons were Sir George Peckham, Sir Philip Sidney, 
Christopher Carlyle, and Walter Raleigh. Raleigh, 
by his superior activity, adroitness, and wealth, and 
by his great influence at court, was able to anticipate 
the more tardy movements of his friendly rivals, 
some of whom appear already to have concentrated 
their interest in his particular enterprise ; and pro- 
cured a new patent, almost identical in its terms with 
that of Gilbert, dated 25 March, 1584, and sent off 
his two barks before the expiration of th^ latter, 
which was limited to 11th June, of that year. 

This Discourse purports to have been written in 
recommendation of an enterprise of planting the 
English race in the unsettled parts of North America 
discovered by Cabot and not yet occupied by any 
Christian people, of which possession had been taken 
the previous year by Gilbert ; and, indeed, in advo- 
cacy of what was even then known as the voyage of 
Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of which Raleigh's separate 
enterprise was but a continuation. It commends this 
policy on high and patriotic grounds, urging the 
commercial benefits it will confer on the English 
people, and as a remedy for the existing political 
evils by which the State was threatened. It advo- 
cates the first planting on those more northerly 
regions, near which possession had already been 
taken, and to which the attention of the assigns of 
Gilbert had been particularly directed. In a letter 



INTRODUCTION. Iv 

from Hakluyt to Walsingham, dated at Paris, 7tli 
January, 1584, lie speaks of commodities brought out 
of the more northerly parts, " whereunto our voyage 
of inhabiting is intended." 

If the views of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir 
Walter Raleigh were not quite as vague and com- 
prehensive as the terms of their grants, they 
were at first, perhaps, far less distinct and definite 
than has been usually supposed. As to their desti- 
nation, there was, perhaj)s, little divergence : the 
difference lay rather in the routes by which they 
should be reached. Sir Humphrey Gilbert would 
seem to have been in an impartial mood, until his 
last voyage, when, under the excitement of a pros- 
pect of gold or silver in Newfoundland, he declared 
himself to have become decidedly a northern man. 
Perhaps the case was the same with Sir Walter Ra- 
leigh. Afterwards, under the glowing pictures of 
Virginia given by his returned captains, the south- 
ern project absorbed his attention, and that of the 
government and nation. It was not, perhaps, until 
its complete failure and final abandonment, that the 
attention of the government and navigators was 
turned towards realizing the original projects. 

Proposing as it does a remedy for existing evils 
and a deliverance from threatening dangers, and in- 
stinct as it is with the interests, the passions, and the 
aspirations of the hour, this Discourse cannot be 
justly estimated unless viewed in its relation to the 
period in which it was written ; viz., the political, 



Ivi INTKODUCTION". 

religious, and commercial condition at that precise 
period in England, — a condition certainly critical in 
the highest degree, presenting just gromid for the 
anxieties of its statesmen, and perhaps offering some 
apology for the measures which they were driven 
to adopt. 

As " principal of the Princes of the Reformed 
Religion," Queen Elizabeth w^as the main object of 
attack by Philip II., the chief aim of whose govern- 
ment was the suppression of heretics throughout the 
world. To compass her destruction by all the re- 
sources of his military and naval power, and diplo- 
matic intrigue and private machination had been 
early avowed as his intention, and steadily pursued 
year after year by fair means and foul. The other 
objects by which his attention had been occupied in 
the European States were not so much regarded in 
themselves, as means to this great end of all his 
policy. If the Netherlands w^ere to be reduced to 
obedience, it was to obtain a convenient footing for 
the invasion of England. If a hollow and temporary 
peace was to be patched with France, it was to gain 
liberty to pursue his great purpose of reducing 
England to the obedience of the Faith. 

Sowing dissensions in Scotland, aiding insurrec- 
tions in Ireland with more open succors, employ- 
ing assassins to attempt the life of the Queen, were 
the by-play of this unscrupulous tyrant, who occupied 
the throne of Spain in the avowed name of the An- 
cient Faith. As if moved by the secret hand of the 
Escorial, the march of events seemed to be in the line 



INTRODUCTION. Ivii 

of the Spanish policy, and steadily advancing to the 
overthrow of England. The sea-girt island was 
reduced almost to a state of siege. In this eventful 
year 1584, the crisis seemed to have been reached, 
and the death-struggle was at hand. The Prince of 
Orange had fallen by the hand of the assassin, and 
the Duke of Parma was in the field. D'Anjou, that 
worthless prince to whom the worthy statesmen of 
the Netherlands had been reduced by their extremity 
to look for support, had also died, and with him the 
last hope of a French alliance ; while the Catholic 
League under the Duke of Guise had taken new life, 
and stood ready to enter England by the door of Scot- 
land and place Mary on the throne. The German 
Protestants, having won peace for themselves at the 
treaty of Passau, so far from extending its immu- 
nities to their suffering brethren of the Netherlands, 
were quite disposed to exclude them from it ; being 
unwilling to mete the same measure of toleration to 
the Calvinists which had been dealt to them by 
the Papists. 

To make the matter worse, England and Spain were 
nominally at peace ; and the former, as then the 
weaker power, was reluctant to break even those 
feeble restraints upon the latter which such a state of 
things imposed. And, with the knife of the enemy 
at her throat, Elizabeth still temporized, and shrunk 
from every step by which the real enmity should lose 
its disguise and become open war. The nation was 
driven to allow courses which it was at the same time 
compelled to disclaim; and, in the view of its best 



Iviii INTRODUCTION. 

gtatesmen, this temporizing policy had brought it to 
the verge of the precipice. In the treacherous calm 
which had been maintained, they could hear distinctly 
the notes of preparation for the Invincible Armada. 

There were signs that this policy had reached its 
last limits, and that a new and more open and resolute 
course must be adopted to save the nation from ruin. 
Just at this time, perhaps, the greatest despondency 
prevailed with the true-hearted statesmen of England. 
What was to be done to prevent the monarch of 
Spain from carrying out his designs against that 
power. 

The question was seriously considered whether the 
policy to be adopted by England should be defensive 
or aggressive. That it should be aggressive, open, and 
avowed, was recommended by the greater part of her 
leading statesmen ; namely, that the Queen should 
commit herself to the Protestant cause, assist the 
Huguenots and the Netherlanders, and form a Protes- 
tant League. Some were for assisting Don Antonio, 
the fugitive King of Portugal, and for carrying the 
war even " into the bowels of Spain." Sir Philip 
Sidney had sympathized largely in this offensive 
policy, having been imbued by his friend, Hubert 
Languet ; but the indecision of the Queen had led 
him to doubt if any thing could come of it.^ The 
proffered sovereignty of the Netherlands was rejected 
by Elizabeth. A joint protectorate with France was 
pronounced impracticable. An avowed intervention 
on the part of England in the Netherlands was at 

1 Fox Bourne's Life of Sidney, 433 et seq. 



INTRODUCTION. lix 

length decided upon as absolutely indispensable, not 
only for the Reformed Religion, but for her own 
safety. This was according to the advice of Raleigh, 
and was carried into effect. 

But this was not Raleigh's peculiar -plan. His 
scheme was not to await attack in the Netherlands 
or in England, but to attack Spain in the seas of the 
West Indies, and in her American possessions. It had 
been seen that her sudden greatness had grown from 
the wealth drawn from her mines, and transported in 
her treasure-ships and plate-fleets, and were the means 
by which all the trouble was made, — armies raised, 
fleets built and equipped, dissensions kept alive, the 
great men and whole states bribed, assassinations hired 
and rewarded. Just at this time, the Spanish ducats 
were moving round very briskly in doubtful pro- 
vinces.^ 

The weakness of Spain in America had been dis- 
covered by Hawkins and Drake, and had produced 
great effect all over Europe. Its result was to lead 
to direct attack upon Spanish possessions in that 
part of the world. This was now advocated as the 
best course for overthrowing Spanish tyranny. She 
was there weakest, though she derived thence the 
sinews of her strength. Her soldiers had been with- 
drawn from the colonies to increase the armies of 
Alva and Parma, and must be called back to defend 
them, and the attention of Spain be thereby diverted 
from European projects. 

■ 1 " The ducats of Spain," wrote the envoy of Catherine de Medici to his 
mistress, " are trotting about in such fashion that they have vanquished the 
courage of multitudes." Motley's United Netherlands, I, 19. 



Ix INTRODUCTION. 

This weakness of the Spanish power in America 
also furnished a direct inducement to colonization 
by England. The colonies there established beyond 
the reach of Spain would be positions from which 
she could be most advantageously attacked, and from 
which her treasure-fleets could be arrested. 

Under the operation of the statutes of conformity, 
disaffection and strife had already become serious 
and alarming in England. Her statesmen who fav- 
ored the colonizing enterprise, Burleigh, Leicester, 
and Walsingham, were all inclined to the Puritan 
side, and would have gladly seen a home provided 
for non-conformists and recusants ; and, according to 
the view given of Elizabeth by Froude, she would 
not have been unwilling to see them provided for 
abroad, though she would not tolerate them at home. 
Thus the original policy of England's statesmen made 
provision for such colonies as afterward took place. 

In causing^ this Discourse to be written and laid 
before the Queen, Raleigh had hopes to lead her to 
assume the position and duties of the chief of the 
Princes of the Reformed Religion, to influence her 
imagination, convince her judgment, and overcome 
her niggardliness. He well knew that it was not 
competent for himself alone, however great his energy 
and force of character, or however large his resources, 
to carry on this great national work and bring it to 
successful accomplishment. There was wanted for 
this enterprise, as for all the other enterprises against 
the Spanish power, what was so hard to obtain, the 



INTRODUCTION. Ixi 

hearty, open, and steady support of the Queen. 
And Raleigh felt the same need for this aggressive 
movement against Spain in America that Walsing- 
ham and his associates had felt in respect to the 
Netherlands. Ehzabeth was fond of having her sub- 
jects serve her and the State at their own expense. 
Sir Humphrey Gilbert expressed his last hope that 
the Queen would, on his return to England, subscribe 
ten thousand pounds in aid of his enterprise. It was 
the settled conviction of Raleigh that nothing had 
been wanting to secure success but this active and 
liberal support of the government. 

These motives, embracing the ordinary commer- 
cial views, intensified by the religious and political 
passions and interests of the hour, were those by 
which Raleigh was led to resume the enterprise which 
had failed in the hands of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and 
to undertake the great work left unaccomplished for 
so many years. 

L. W. 



HAKLUYT'S DISCOURSE. 




V 



■^' 



<ac 



CO ^X^- <X^M^h, 



,. ^<s 




Jataes'R Osgoocl & Co BosIjil, H.eliolyT.if; 



A particuler discourse concerning the 

greate necessitie and manifolde comody- 

ties that are like to growe to this 

Realme of Englande by the Westerne 

discoueries lately attempted, written 

in the yere 1584. by Richarde 

Hackluyt of Oxforde, at the 

requeste and direction of the 

righte worshipfull MF Walter 

Rayhly, novve Knight, before 

the comynge home of his 

twoo barkes, and is de- 

vided into xxi chapiters, 

the titles whereof fol- 

lowe in the nexte 

leafe. 



[HEADS OF CHAPTERS.] 



I. ^[)at this westerns discoverie will be greately for thinlarge- 
mente of the gospell of Christe, whereunto the princes of the 
refourmed relligion are chefely bounde, amongest whome her 
Majestic ys principall. 

II. That all other Englishe trades are growen beggerly or daun- 
gerous, especially in all the Kinge of Spayne his domynions, 
where our men are dryven to flinge their bibles and prayer 
bookes into the sea, and to forsweare and renounce their relli- 
gion and conscience and consequently theyr obedience to her 
Majestic. 

III. That this westcmc voyadge will yeldc unto us all the como- 
dities of Europe, Afirica, and Asia, as farr as wee were wonte to 
travcll, and supply the wantes of all our decayed trades. 

IV. That this enterprise will be for the manifolde imploymente of 
nombers of idle men, and for bredingc of many sufficient, and 
for utteraunce of the grcate quantitie of the comodities of our 
realme. 

V. That this voyadge will be a greate bridle to the Indies of the 
Kinge of Spaine, and a meane that wee may arreste at our y 
pleasure for the space of tenne weckes or three monethes every 
yere, one or twoo hundred saile of his subjectes shippes at the 
fysshinge in Newfounde lande. 

VI. That the mischefe that the Indian threasure wroughte in 
time of Charles the late Emperor, father to the Sj^anishe t7 
kinge, is to be had in consideration of the Queens moste excel- 

lent Majestic, leaste the contj-nuall coinynge of the like thrcas- 



4 [heads of chapters.] 

ure from thence to his sonne, worke the unrecoverable annoye of 
this realme, whereof already wee have had very dangerous 
experience. 

VII. What speciall raeanes may bringe Ivinge Phillippe from his 
highe throne, and make him equall to the princes his neigh- 
bours, wherewithal! is shewed his weakenes in the West Indies. 

VIII. That the lymites of the Kinge of Spaines domynions in the 
West Indies be nothinge so large as ys generally ymagined and 
surmised, neither those partes which he holdeth be of any suche 
forces as ys falsly geven oute by the popishe clergye and others 
his fautors, to terrific the princes of the relligion and to abuse 
and blynde them. 

IX. The names of the riche townes lienge alonge the sea coaste 
on the northe side from the equinocticall of the mayne laude 
of Abierica under the kinge of Spayne. 

X. A brefe declaration of the chefe ilandes in the bay of Mexico 
beinge under the Kinge of Spaine, with their havens and fortes, 
and what comodities they yelde. 

XI. That the Spainardes have executed moste outragious and 
more then Turkishe cruelties in all the West Indies, whereby 
they are everywhere there become moste odious unto them, 
whoe woulde joyne with us or any other moste willingly to 
shake of their moste intollerable yoke, and have begonne to doe 
it already in dyvers places where they were lordes heretofore. 

XII. That the passage in this voyadge is easie and shorte, that it 
cutteth not nere the trade of any other mightie princes, nor 
nere their contries, that it is to be perfourmed at all tymes of 
the yere, and nedeth but one kinde of winde, that Ireland 
beinge full of goodd havens on the soutlie and west sides, is the 
nerest parte of Europe to yt, which by this trade shall be in 
more securitie, and the sooner drawen to more eivllitie. 

Xin. That hereby the revenewes and customes of her Majestie, 
bothe outwardes and inAvardes, shall mightely be inlarged by 
the toll, excises and other dueties, which withoute oppression 
may be raised. 



XX. A brefe collection of certaine reasons to induce her Majestic 
and the state to take in liande the westeme voyadge and the 
plantinge there. 

XXI. A note of some thinges to be prepared for the voyadge, 
which is sett downe rather to drawe the takers of the voyadge 
in hande to the presente consideration then for any other reason, 
for that divers thinges require preparation longe before the voy- 
adge, withoute wliich the voyadge ys maymed. 



l^ 



[heads of chapters.] 5 

xrv. That this action "will be greately for the increase, ma}Tie- 
teynaunce and safetie of our navye, and especially of greate 
shippinge, which is the strengthe of our realme, and for the 
supportation of all those occupations that depende upon the 
same. 

XV. That spedie plantinge in divers fitt places is moste necessarie 
upon those luckye westerne discoveries, for feare of the daunger 
of being prevented by other nations which have the like inten- 
tions, with the order thereof, and other reasons thercwathall 
allcaged. 

XVI. Meanes to kepe this enterprise from overthrowe, and the enter- ^ 
prisers from shame and dishonour. 

xvn. That by these colonies the Northwest Passage to Cathaia 
and China may easely quickly and perfectly be searched oute, as 
well by river and overlande as by sea, for proofe whereof here 
are quoted and alleaged divers rare testymonies oute of three * — 
volumes of voyadges gathered by Ramusius and other grave 
authors. 

xvm. That the Queene of Englands title to all the West Indies, 
or at the leaste to as moche as is from Florida to the circle 
articke, is more lawfull and righte then the Spaniardes, or any 
other Christian Princes. 

XIX. An aunswer to the Bull of the Donation of all the West 
Indies graunted to the Kinges of Spaine by Pope Alexander 
the Vltb, who was himselfe a Spaniarde borne. 



l^ 



®l)at this Westerne discoverie will be greately for thinlargemente Cap. L 
of the gospell of Christe, whereunto the princes of the 
Refourmed Relligion are chefely bounde, amongeste whome 
her Majestic ys principall. 

Sietttge that the people of that parte of America 
from 30. degrees in Florida northewarde unto 63. 
degrees (which ys yet in no Christian princes actuall 
possession) are idolaters ; and that those which Ste- 
phen Gomes broughte from the coaste of Norum- 
BEGA in the yere 1524. worshipped the sonne, the 
mo one, and the starres, and used other idolatrie, as 
it ys recorded in the historic of Gonsaluo de Ouiedo, in 
Italian, fol. 52. of the third volume of Ramusius; 
and that those of Canada and Hochelaga in 48. and 
50. degrees worshippe a spirite which they call Cudru- 
aigny, as we reade in the tenthe chapiter of the sec- 
onde relation of Jaques Cartier, whoe saieth: This 
people beleve not at all in God, but in one whome 
they call Cudruaigny ; they say that often he speaketh 
with them, and telleth them what weather shall followe, 
whether goodd or badd, &c., and yet notwithstand- 
inge they are very easie to be perswaded, and doe all 
that they sawe the Christians doe in their devine ser- 



8 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

vice, with like imitation and devotion, and were very 
desirous to become Christians, and woulde faine have 
been baptized, as Verarsanus witnesseth in the laste 
wordes of his relation, and Jaques Cartier in the 
tenthe chapiter before recited — it remayneth to be 
thoroughly weyed and considered by what meanes and 
by whome this moste godly and Christian work may 
be perfourmed of inlarginge the glorious gospell of 
Christe, and reducinge of infinite multitudes of these 
simple people that are in errour into the righte and 
perfecte way of their saluation. The blessed Apostle 
Paule, the converter of the Gentiles, Rom : 10. writeth 
in this manner : Whoesoever shall call on the name of 
the Lorde shall be saved. But howe shall they call 
on him in whom they have not beleved ? and howe 
shall they beleve in him of whom they have not 
hearde ? and howe shall they heare withoute a 
preacher 1 and howe shall they preache excepte they 
be sente 1 Then it is necessary for the salvation of 
those poore people which have sitten so longe in 
darkenes and in the shadowe of deathe, that preachers 
should be sent unto them. But by whome shoulde 
these preachers be sente 1 By them no doubte which 
have taken upon them the protection and defence of 
the Christian faithe. Nowe the Kinges and Queenes 

The Prynces of England havc the name of Defendours of the Faithe. 

caiiplftiie By which title I thinke they are not onely chardged 

defenders of . i /» • i i" r^^ ' l i. j. 

the faithe. to maynctcyne and patronize the faithe or Christe, but 
also to inlarge and advaunce the same. Neither 
oughte this to be their laste worke, but rather the 
principall and chefe of all others, accordinge to the 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 9 

comaundemente of our Saviour, Christe, Mathewe 6, 
Ffirste seeke the kingdome of God and the righteous- 
nes thereof, and all other thinges shalbe mynistred 
unto you. 

Nowe the meanes to sende suche as shall labour 
effectually in this busines ys, by plantinge one or twoo piantinge 
colonies of our nation upon that fyrme, where they sarye. 
may remaine in safetie, and firste learne the language 
of the people nere adjoyninge (the gifte of tongues 
beinge nowe taken awaye), and by little and little 
acquainte themselves with their manner, and so with 
discretion and myldenes distill into their purged 
myndes the swete and lively liquor of the gospel. 
Otherwise, for preachers to come unto them rashly 
with oute some suche preparation for their safetie, 
yt were nothinge els but to ronne to their appa- 
raunte and certaine destruction, as yt happened 
unto those Spanishe ffryers, that, before any plant-" 
inge, withoute strengthe and company, landed in Fflor- 
ida, where they were miserablye massacred by the 
savages. On the other side, by meane of plantinge 
firste, the small nation of the Portingales towardes the 
Southe and Easte have planted the Christian faithe 
accordinge to their manner, and have erected many 
bisshoprickes and colledges to traine upp the youthe 
of the infidells in the same, of which acte they more 
vaunte in all their histories and chronicles, then of 
anythinge els that ever they atchieved. And surely 
if they had planted the gospell of Christe purely, as 
they did not, they mighte justly have more rejoyced 
in that deede of theires, then in the conqueste of 



10 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

the whole contrie, or in any other thinge whatsoever. 
The like may be saied of the Spaniardes, whoe (as yt 
is in the preface of the last edition of Osorius de rebus 
gestis Emanuelis) have established in the West Indies 
three archebisshopricks, to witt, Mexico, Luna, and 
Onsco, and thirtene other bisshopricks there named, 
and have builte above CC. houses of relHgion in 
the space of fyftie yeres or thereaboutes. Now yf 
they, in their superstition, by meanes of then* plant- 
inge in those partes, have don so greate thinges in so 
shorte space, what may wee hope for in our true and 
syncere relligion, proposinge unto ourselves in this 
action not filthie lucre nor vaine ostentation, as they 
in deede did, but principally the gayninge of the 
soules of millions of those wretched people, the re- 
ducinge of them from darkenes to lighte, from false- 
hoodde to truthe, from dombe idolls to the lyvinge 
God, from the dope pitt of hell to the highest heav- 
ens. In the 16. of the Actes of the Apostles, when 
Paule soughte to preache in Asia and to goe into 
Bithinia, the Holy Ghoste suffered him not. But at 
Troas a vision appered unto him by night. There 
stoode a man of Macedonia and prayed hym, sayenge : 
Come into Macedonia and helpe us. And after he 
had scene the vysion, ymmediatly he prepared to goe 
into Macedonia, beinge assured that the Lorde had 
called him to preache the gospell unto them. Even 
so wee, whiles wee have soughte to goe into other 
countries (I woulde I might say to preache the gos- 
pell), God by the frustratinge of our actions semeth to 
forbydd us to foUowe those courses, and the people of 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 11 

America crye oute unto us, their nexte neighboures, 
to come and helpe them, and bringe unto them the 
gladd tidinges of the gospell. Unto the prince and 
people that shalbe the occasion of this worthie worke, 
and shall open their cofers to the furtheraunce of this 
most godly enterprise, God shall open the bottomles 
treasures of his riches, and till them with aboundaunce 
of his hidden blessinges ; as he did to the goodd 
Queene Isabella, which beinge in extreme necessitie, 
laied her owne Jewells to gage for money to furnishe 
out Columbus for the firste discovery of the West 
Indies. 

And this enterprise the princes of the relligion 
(amonge whome her Majestie ys principall) oughte 
the rather to take in hande, because the papistes con- 
firme themselves and drawe other to theire side, shew- 
inge that they are the true Catholicke churche because 
they have bene the onely converters of many millions 
of infidells to Christianitie. Yea, I myselfe have 
bene demaunded of them, how many infidells have a question 

of uie advei 

been by us converted ] Whereunto, albeit I alleaged sary. 
the example of the mynisters which were sente from 
Geneva with Villegagnon into Bresill, and those that 
wente with John Ribault into Florida, as also those 
of our nation that went with Ffrobisher, Sir Fraunces 
Drake, and Ffenton ; yet in very deede I was not able 
to name any one infidell by them converted. But 
God, quoth I, hath his tyme for all men, whoe calleth 
some at the nynthe, and some at the eleventh houer. 
And if it please him to move the harte of her Majes- 
tie to put her helpinge hande to this godly action, she 



12 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

shall finde as willinge subjectes of all sortes as any 
other prince in all Christendome. And as for the 
boastinge of your conversion of such multitudes of 
infidells, yt may justly be compted rather a perver- 
sion, seeinge you have drawen them as it were oute 
of Sylla into Charibdis, that is to say, from one error 
into another. Nowe therefore I truste the time ys at 
hande when by her Majesties forwardnes in this en- 
terprise, not only this objection and suche like shalbe 
aunswered by our frutefull labor in Godds harvest 
amonge the infidells, but also many inconveniences 
and strifes amongest ourselves at home, in matters of 
ceremonies, shalbe ended. For those of the clergye 
which by reason of idlenes here at home are nowe 
alwayes coyninge of newe opynions, havinge by this 
voyadge to set themselves on worke in reducinge the 
savages to the chefe principles of our faith, will 
become lesse contentious, and be contented with the 
truthe in relligion alreadie established by authoritie. 
So they that shall beare the name of Christians 
shall shewe themselves worthye of their vocation, 
so shall the mouthe of the adversarie be stopped, so 
shall contention amongest brethren be avoyded, so 
shal the gospell amonge infidells be published. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 13 



®l)at all other Englishe trades are growen beggerly or daungerous, Cap. IL 
especially daungerous in all the Kinge of Spayne his do- 
mynions, where our men are dryven to flinge their bibles 
and prayer bookes into the sea, and to forsweare and 
renounce their relligion and conscience, and consequently 
their obedience to her Majesty. 

Witt arc nowe to consider the qualitie and condi- 
tion of all the trades which at this day are frequented 
by our nation. And firste, to begynne southwarde, 
and so come to the northe ; leavinge Bresill and Guy- 
nea where wee have little to doe, let us firste speake Barbary. 
of our trade in Barbaric. If any of our shippes 
tradinge thither be dryven upon the coaste of Spaine, 
and that proofe may be made that wee have bene 
there, they make it a very sufficient cause of confisca- 
tion of shippe and goodds, and so they thruste our 
men into the Inquisition, chardginge them that they 
bringe armour, munition, and forbidden merchandize 
to strengthen the infidells againste these partes of 
Christendome ; which thinge is comitted to printe and 
confessed by all our marchants tradinge thither. And 
thoughe our men escape the Spaniardes tyrannic, yet 
at the deathe of the prince in Barbary, all our mennes 
goodds there are subjecte to the spoile, the custome 
of the contrie permitting the people to robbe and 
rifle until another kinge be chosen, withoute makinge 



14 



DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



The Domyn- 
ions of the 
Kiuge of 
Spayne. 



The trade of 
Turky. 



any kinde of restitution. Besides that inconvenience, 
the trafficque groweth daily to worse termes then 
heretofore. I omytt to shewe here howe divers have 
bene undon by their servauntes which have become 
renegadoes, of whome by the custome of the contrie 
their masters can have no manner of recovery, neither 
call them into justice. 

In all the Kinge of Spaines domynions our men are 
either inforced with wounded consciences to playe the 
dissemblinge hipocrites, or be drawen to mislike with 
the state of relligion mainteyned at home, or cruelly 
made away in the Inquisition. Moreover, he being 
our mortall enemye, and his empire of late beinge 
increased so mightely, and our necessitie of oiles and 
of coulours for our clothinge trade beinge so greate, 
he may arreste almoste the one halfe of our navye, 
our traficque and recourse beinge so greate to his 
. domynions. 

For the new trade in Turky, besides the greate 
expences in mayneteyninge a kind of embas- 
sador at Constantinople, and in sendinge of pre- 
sentes to Selym the Graunde Segnior, and to divers 
of his insatiable bassoes, our marchantes are faine 
with large rewardes to gratifie the Knightes of Malta, 
in whose daunger their shippes must often passe. 
Moreover that trade is so moche to the detrymente of 
the State of Venice, and all the other States of Italic, 
that they are dayly occupied in seekinge howe they 
may overthrowe the same. Neither is it the leaste 
incomoditie that our shippes are contynually assaulted 
by the corsaries and pirates and gallies of Algiers, by 



WESTERN E PLANTING. 15 

which they had a rich shippe, called the Mary Martin, 
soncke this yere ; and the last yere another was taken 
at Trypoly in Barbary, and the master with another 
hanged, and the reste made slaves. Besides, the 
barke Reynoldes was arrested at Malta, and at 
lengthe with moche adoe delivered. 

To leave the Levant and to come to France, the France, 
traficque there of myne owne knowledge is growen to 
such decay e, partely by the impositions and taxes 
which are daily devised by the kinge, partely by their 
subtil sleights and devices to confiscate our clothes for 
insufficient workemanshippe, and partely by their owne 
labour in makinge more and better clothe then hereto- 
fore they were accustomed, that our men for the moste 
parte are wearye of the contrie, and some of them 
utterly undoii by their subtill and unconcionable 
wranglinge. As for all Flaunders and the Lowe Fiaunders 
Gentries, these eightene yeres moste cruell civill 
warres have so spoiled the traficque there, that 
there is nothinge but povertie and perill, and that 
which is worse, there is no hope of any spedy 
amendemente. 

To come to the Esterlinges and the trades with the Estiande. 
cities within the Sounde of Denmarke, they beinge 
deprived of the olde priviledges of the Stilliarde here 
in London, have not only oifred our men at home 
many injuries in their cities, but seeke all the meanes 
they can devise wholy to cutt of all our occupienge 
that way ; and to the same purpose have lately 
cleane debarred our men of their accustomed and 
auncient priviledges in all their greate townes. Also 



16 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

Denmarke. the cxactions of the Kiiigo of Denmarke at our 
passage in and oute by the Sounde to Lubecke, 
Danske, Elvmge, Rye, Revell, and the Narve, besides 
the power that he hath to arreste all our shippes 
within the Sounde at his pleasure, are twoo no small 
inconveniences and myschefes. 

Russye. Our trade into Muscovye ys the laste, which was 

so chardgeable in the begynnynge, what with the 
coste of the discoverie, what with presentes to the 
Emperour, together with the disorderly dealinge of 
their factors, that it stoode them in fourscore thousande 
poundes before they broughte it to any goodd passe. 
And no we after longe hope of gayne, the Hollanders, 
as also the men of Diepe, are entred into their trade 
by the Emperours permission ; yea, whereas at the 
firste our men paid no custome, of late yeres, contrarie 
to their firste priviledge, they have bene urged to pay 
yt. Also the chardges of bringinge the Emperours 
embassador hither, and mayneteyninge him here, and 
the settinge furthe of her Majesties embassadour 
thither with presentes to the Emperour, lyenge all 
upon the poore marchantes neckes, is no easie burden 
unto their shoulders. And to encrease the same, the 
Kinge of Denmarke requireth a tribute of them, 
thoughe they touche not upon any of his domynions. 
And nowe the Emperour of Russia beinge late deade, 
yt is greately feared that the voyadge wilbe utterly 
overthrowen, or els become not worthe the contynu- 
aunce. 

Thus havinge regarde unto the premisses, yt be- 
hoveth us to seeke some newe and better trade, of 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 17 

lesse daunger and more securitie, of lesse damage, 
and of more advauntage ; the rather to avide the wil- 
full perjurie of suche of our EngHshe nation as trade 
to Spaine and other of Kinge Phillipps domynions, 
where this oathe followinge ys usually ministred 
unto the master of our shippes. Firste, he willeth 
the master to make a crosse with his fore finger and his 
thombe, layenge one over the other crosswise. This 
beiuge don, he saieth these wordes followinge : You 
shall sweare to speake the truthe of all thinges that 
shalbe asked of you, and yf you doe not, that God 
demaunde yt of you ; and the Englishe master muste 
saye. Amen. You shall sweare by that crosse that 
you bringe no man in your shippe but suche as are 
goodd christians, and doe beleve as our Catholicke 
Churche of Rome dothe beleve. Nexte, that you 
bringe no manner of bookes but suche as are allowed 
by our Catholicke Churche of Eome ; and that you 
use no manner of prayers but suche as are allowed 
by our Churche of Rome. What marchandize bringe 
you ; suche and suche. We will and comaunde you 
and your companie to come on land to masse every 
Sonday and holy day, upon paine of discommunication. 
Then they open their chestes, and looke if the master 
and maryners bringe any bookes with them in their 
chests. This don, the officers that come with the 
preestes aske of the master and maryners chese, 
butter, befe, bacon, and candles, as beggers, and they 
give it to them for feare they have of them, and so 
they goe from the shippes with their walletts full of 
victualls. The master doth pay four ryalls of plate for 



18 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

the barke that bringeth them aboorde to visite them. 
Thus is wilfull peijurye permitted by the governours if 
they knowe it. Thus the covetous marchante wil- 
fully sendeth headlonge to hell from day to day the 
poore subjectes of this realme. The marchant in 
England cometh here devoutly to the communyon, and 
sendeth his sonne into Spaine to here masse. These 
thinges are kepte secrete by the marchantes, and suche 
as depende upon the trade of marchandize are lothe 
to utter the same. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 19 



Cljut tliis westerne voyadge will yelde unto us all the commodities Cap. III. 
of Europe, Affrica and Asia, as far as wee were wonte to 
travell, and supplye the wantes of all our decayed trades. 

K^Z ntxtt thinge ys that nowe I declare unto you 
the comodities of this newe westerne discoverie, and 
what marchandize are there to be had, and from 
thence to be expected ; wherein firste you are to have in the first 

f, , ■, 1 • 1 volume of 

resrarde unto the scituation ot the places which are Eamusius, 

^ ^ , fol. 374, 

left for us to be possessed. The contries therefore of pag- 2. 
America where unto we have just title, as beinge 
firste discovered by Sebastian Gabote, at the coste of 
that prudente prince Kinge Henry the Seaventh, from 
Florida northewarde to 67. degrees, (and not yet in 
any Chrestian princes actuall possession,) beinge 
aunswerable in clymate to Barbary, Egipte, Siria, 
Persia, Turky, Greece, all the islandes of the Levant 
sea, Italic, Spaine, Portingale, Fraunce, Flaunders, 
Highe Almayne, Denmarke, Estland, Poland, and 
MuscOvye, may presently or within a ' shorte space 
afforde unto us, for little or nothinge, and with moche 
more safe tie, eyther all or a greate parte of the com- 
odities which the aforesaid contries do yelde us at a 
very dere hande and with manifolde daungers. 

Firste, therefore, to begyn at the southe from 30. 
degrees, and to quote unto you the leafe and page of 
the printed voyadges of those which personally have 



20 



DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



JohnRibault. 



Hony, 

Venison, 

Palme trees, 
Ceders, 
Cipresses, 
Vynes. 



Herons, 

Curlues, 
Bitters, 
Mallardes, 
Egriphtes. 



Sylke 
wormes 
excedinge 
faire, fol. 6, 
pag. 2. 



Golde, Silver, 
Copper. 



Turqueses, 
Perles in 
aboundaunce. 



with diligence searched and viewed these contries. 
John Ribault writeth thus, in the firste leafe of his 
discourse, extant in printe bothe in Frenche and 
EngUshe : Wee entred (saieth he) and viewed the 
contrie which is the fairest, frutefullest, and pleas- 
auntest of all the worlde, aboundinge in honye, waxe, 
venison, wilde fowle, fforrestes, woodds of all sortes, 
palme trees, cipresses, cedars, bayes, the highest and 
greatest, with also the fairest vines in all the worlde, 
with grapes accordinge, which naturally withoute arte 
or mans helpe or trymmynge will growe to toppes of 
oakes and other trees that be of wonderfull greatness 
and heighte. And the sighte of the faire meadowes 
is a pleasure not able to be expressed with tongue, 
full of herons, curlues, bitters, mallardes, egriphts, 
woodcockes, and all other kinde of small birdes, with 
hartes, hinds, bucks, wilde swyne, and all other kjnad 
of wilde beastes, as wee perceaved well bothe by their 
footinge there, and also afterwardes in other places 
by their crye and roaringe in the nighte. Also there 
be conies and hares, silke wormes in marvelous nom- 
ber, a great deale fairer and better then be our silke- 
wormes. Againe, in the sixte leafe and seconde page ; 
They shewed unto us by signes that they had in the 
lande golde and silver and copper, whereof wee have 
broughte some home. Also leade like unto ours, 
which wee shewed them. Also turqueses and greate 
aboundaunce of perles, which as they declared unto 
us they tooke oute of oysters, whereof there is taken 
ever alonge the rivers side and amongest the reedes 
and in the marishes, in so marvelous aboundaunce as it 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 21 

is scante credible. And wee have perceaved that there 

be as many and as greate perles founde there as in 

any contrie in the worlde. In the seaventh leafe it 

followeth thus: The scituation is under 30. degrees, aode^ees. 

a good clymate, healthfull, and of goodd temperature, 

marvelous pleasaunte, the people goodd and of a 

gentle and amyable nature, which willingly will obey, xhegentienes 

1 1 1 n • 1 of the people. 

yea be contented to serve those that shall w^ith gentle- 
nes and humanitie goe aboute to allure them, as yt is 
necessarie for those that be sente thither hereafter so 
to doe. In the eighth leafe : It is a place wonderfull 
fertile and of stronge scituation, the grounde fatt, so 
that it is like that it would bringe forthe wheate and Harvest twise 

n 1 . -r T • ^ 1 n y^ ^^^ yere. 

all other come twise a yere. In the nmth leafe yt 
followeth : Wee founde there a greate nomber of 
pepper trees, the pepper beinge yet greene and not Pepper 

growethhere;. 

ready to be gathered. In the tenth leafe: There wee y'Js longe 

^ pepper. 

sawe the fairest and the greatest vines with grapes 
accordinge, and younge trees and small wooddes 
very well smellinge, that ever weare sene. Thus 
have you brefely the some of the comodities which 
were founde by John Kibault and his companye on 
the coaste of America from 30. to 34. degrees. 

Moreover, Doctor Monardus, that excellent phisi- 
tion of Civill, writinge of the trees of the West Indies 
in his booke called JoyfuU Newes out of the New 
founde worlde, maketh mention of a tree called 
Sassafras, which the Frenchmen founde in Florida, Sassafras. 
fol. 46 of his booke, in manner folio winge : From 
the Florida they bringe a woodde and roote of a tree 
that groweth in those partes, of greate vertues and 



22 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

excellencies, healinge therewith grevous and variable 
deseases. It may be three yeres paste that I had 
knowledge of this tree, and a Frenche man that had 
bene in those partes shewed me a pece of yt, and 
tolde me marvells of the vertues thereof, and howe 
many and variable diseases were healed with the 
water which was made of it, and I judged that, which 
nowe I doe finde to be true and have scene by 
experience. He tolde me that the Frenchemen 
which had bene in the Florida, at the time when they 
came into those partes had bene sicke the moste of 
them of grevous and variable diseases, and that the 
Indians did shewe them this tree, and the manner 
howe they shoulde use yt, &c ; so they did, and were 
healed of many evills ; which surely bringeth admira- 
tion that one onely remedy shoulde worke so variable 
and marvelous effectes. The name of this tree, as the 
Indyans terme yt, is called Pauame, and the Frenche- 
men call it Sassafras. To be brefe, the Doctor 
Monardus bestoweth eleven leaves in describinge the 
sovereinties and excellent properties thereof. 

The nature and comodities of the reste of the coaste 
unto Cape Briton I will shewe unto you oute of the 
printed testymonies of John Verarsanus and Stephen 
Gomes, bothe which in one yere, 1524. discovered 
the said contries, and broughte home of the people ; 
Verarsana into Ffraunce, and Gomes into Spaine. 

Verarsana, fallinge in the latitude of 34. degrees, 
describeth the scituation and commodities in this 
manner : Beyonde this wee sawe the open contrie 
risinge in heighte above the sandie shoare, with many 



WESTKRNE PLANTING. 23 

faire feeldes and plaines full of mightie greate wooddes, 
some very thicke and some very thynne, replenished 
with divers sortes of trees, and pleasaunte and delect- 
able to beholde as ys possible to ymagine. And your 
Majestie may not thinke that these are like the 
wooddes of Hyrcinia, or the wilde desertes of Tar- 
taria, and the northerne coastes, full of fruteles trees ; 
but full of palme, date trees, bayes, and highe cy- 
presses, and many other sortes of trees to us unknowen 
in Europe, which yelde moste swete savours farr from 
the shoare ; neyther doe wee thincke that they, par- 
takinge of the easte worlde rounde aboute them, are 
altogether voyde of drugs and spicerye, and other Dmggs, 

SpVCGI*V 

riches of golde, seinge the colour of the lande dothe Goide. 

altogether argue yt. And the lande is full of many 

beastes, as redd dere, fallowe dere, and hares, and 

likewise of lakes and pooles of freshe water, with 

greate plentie of fowles convenient for all pleasaunte 

game. This lande is in latitude of 34.degrees with 34 degrees. 

goodd and holesome ayre, temperate, betwene hote 

and colde ; no vehement windes doe blowe in these re 

gions, &c. Againe, in the fourth leafe as it is in Eng- 

lishe, speakinge of the nexte contrie, he saieth : Wee 

sawe in this contrie many vines growinge naturally, vjnoes excei- 

which springinge upp tooke holde of the trees as they 

doe in Lumbardye, which, if by husbandmen they 

were dressed in goodd order, withoute all doubte they 

woulde yelde excellent wynes ; for havinge often- 

tymes seene the frute thereof dryed, which was swete 

and pleasaunte and not differinge from oures, wee 

thinke they doe esteme of the same, because that in 



.24 



DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Roses, 

Violetts, 
Lyllies. 



Corn, 

Wvne, 

Ovle. 



These apples 
growe in 
Italy, and 
are yellowe 
like a pipon. 



41 degrees 
and 2 terces. 



Copper. 



Stephen 
Gomez. 



every place where they growe, they take away the un- 
der braunches growinge rounde aboute, that the frute 
thereof may ripen the better. Wee founde also roses, 
violetts, lyllies, and many sortes of herbes and swete 
and odoriferous flowers. And after, in the sixte leafe, 
he saieth : Wee were oftentimes within the lande 
v.or vj. leagues, which wee founde as pleasaunte as is 
possible to declare, apte for any kinde of husbandry e 
of corne, wine, and oile. For therein there are 
plaines 25. or 30. leagues broade, open and withoute 
any impedymente of trees, of suche frutefulnes that 
any seede beinge sowen therein will bringe furthe 
moste excellente frute. Wee entred after wardes into 
the wooddes, which wee founde so greate and thicke, 
that an armye (were it never so greate) mighte have 
hydd it selfe therein, the trees whereof were oakes, cy- 
presses, and other sortes unknowen in Europe. Wee 
founde pomi appij, ploiiies, and nuttes, and many other 
sortes of frutes to us unknowen. There are beastes 
in greate aboundaunce, as redd dere and fallowe 
dere, leopardes and other kindes, which they take 
with their bowes and arrowes, which are their chefeste 
weapons. This lande is scituate in the parallele of 
Rome in 41. degrees and 2. terces. And towardes the 
ende he saieth: Wee sawe many of the people weare 
earinges of copper hanginge at their eares. Thus farr 
oute of the relation of Verarsana. 

Nowe to come to Stephen Gomes, which by the 
commandemente of the Emperor Charles the Fyfte 
discovered the coaste of Norumbega. These are the 
wordes of Gonsaluo de Ouiedo in his summarye of the 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 25 • 

Weste Indies, translated into Italian, concerninge 
him, fo. 52 : Dapoi die vostra Maesta e in qiiesta 
citta di Toledo, arriuo qui nel mese di Nouembre 11 
piloto Stephano Gomez, il quale nel' anno passato del 
1524. per comandamento di vostra Maesta, nauigo 
alia parte di Tramontana, et trouo gran parte di terra 
continouata a quella che si chiama dellos Bachallaos, 
discorrendo a Occidente, et giace in 40. et 41.grado, 
et cosi poco piu et meno ; del qual luogo meno alcuni 
Indiani, et ne sono al presente in questa citta, li quali 
sono di maggior grandezza di quelli di terra ferma, 
secondo che communemente sono, perche anchora il 
detto piloto disse hauer visto molti, che sono tutti 
di quella medesima grandezza, il color veramente e 
come quelli di terra ferma ; sono grandi arcieri, et 
vanno coperti di pelle d'auimali saluatichi, et d' altri 
animali. Sono in questa terra eccellenti martori, et Martemes, 
zibellini, et altre ricche fodere, delle quali ne porto Eichl\rres, 
alcune pelle il detto pilotto. Hanno argento et rame, Copper. 
et secondo che dicono questi Indiani, et con segni fanno 
intendere, adorano il Sole et la Luna, anche hanno 
altre idolatrie et errori, come quelli di terra ferma. 

Another Frenche capitaine of Diepe, which had Acapitaine 
bene alongest this coaste, geveth this testymonie of ^ ^^^^ 
the people and contrie from 46. to 47. degrees, as it is 
in the thirde volume of viages gathered by Ramusius, 
fol. 423. pag. secunda : Gli habitatori di questa terra 
sono genti trattabili, amicheuoli, et piaceuoli. La 
terra e abbondantissima d'ogni frutto ; vi nascono Oranges, 
aranci, mandorle, vua saluatica et molte altre sorti Gr^pTs.^^' 

4 



26 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

d'arbori odoriferi; la terra e detta da paesani suoi 
Norumbega. 

This coaste, from Cape Briton CC. (200) leagues to 
the south west, was again discovered at the chardges 

Stephen Bel- of the cardiuall of Burbon by my frende Stephen 
Bellinger of Roan, the laste yere, 1583. whoe founde 
a towne of fourscore houses, covered with the barkes 
of trees, upon a rivers side, about C. leagues from 
the aforesaid Cape Briton. He reporteth that the 
contrie is of the temperature of the coaste of Gas- 
coigne and Guyan. He broughte home a kinde of 
mynerall matter supposed to holde silver, whereof he 

Muske,caiied gavc me somc ; a kynde of muske called castor ; 
divers beastes skynnes, as bevers, otters, marternes, 
lucernes, scales, buifs, dere skynnes, all dressed, and 

Excellent paiutcd ou thc iuncrside with divers excellent colours, 

dyenge. as rcdd, tawuys, yellowe, and vermillyon, — all which 
thinges I sawe ; and divers other marchandize he 
hath which I saw not. But he told me that he had 
CCCC. and xl. crownes for that in Roan, which, in 
trifles bestowed upon the savages, stoode him not in 

The Marques fortic crowucs. And tMs ycrc, 1584. the Marques 

de la Roche, 

1581. de la Roche wente with three hundreth men to 

inhabite in those partes, whose voyadge was over- 
throwen by occasion that his greatest shippe of CCC. 
tonnes was caste awaye over againste Burwage, and 
so the enterprize for this yere ceseth. 

The nature and qualitie of thother parte of Amer- 
ica from Cape Briton, beinge in 46 degrees unto the lat- 
itude of 52. for iij. C. leagues within the lande even to 
Hochelaga, is notably described in the twoo voyadges 



WESTERN E PLANTING. 27 

of lacques Cartier. In the fifte chapiter of his sec- laquesCar- 

tier. 

onde relation thus he writeth : From the 19. till the 
28. of September wee sailed upp the ryver, never loos- 
inge one houre of tyme, all which space wee sawe as 
goodly a contrie as possibly coulde be wisshed for, full 
of all sortes of goodly trees, that is to say, oakes, elmes, 
walnut-trees, cedars, fyrres, asshes, boxe, willoughes, 
and greate store of vynes, all as full of grapes as coulde Vynes. 
be, that if any of our fellowes wente on shoare, they 
came home laden with them. There are likewise 
many cranes, swannes, geese, mallardes, fesauntes, 
partridges, thrusshes, black birdes, turtles, finches, redd 
brestes, nightingales, sparrowes, with other sortes of 
birdes even as in Fraunce, and greate plentie and store. 
Againe in the xil^ chapiter of the said relation there 
ys mention of silver and golde to be upon a ryver that Syiver, 
is three monethes saylinge, navigable south warde from 
Hochelaga ; and that redd copper is yn Saguynay. Red copper 
All that contrie is full of sondrie sortes of woodde 
and many vines. There is greate store of stagges, redd staggs, 
dere, fallowe dere, beares, and other suche like sorts Beares, 

r. I . , f, Conyes, 

01 beastes, as comes, hares, marterns, foxes, otters, be- Hares, 

Martems, 

vers, squirrells, badgers, and rattes excedinge greate, ^^^^^^ 

and divers other sortes of beastes for huntinge. There fqm^reUs, 

are also many sortes of fowles, as cranes, swannes, crSf' 

outardes, wilde geese, white and graye, duckes, thrussh- Ouurdes, 

TT lid £r66SQ 

es, black birdes, turtles, wilde pis^eons, Ivnnetts, Maiiardes, 

^ ^ ^ ' •' ' Thrushes 

finches, redd brestes, stares, nightingales, sparrowes, xlfrtSi 
and other birdes even as in Fraunce. Also, as wee RgelL. 
have said before, the said ryver is the plentifullest of 
fyshe that ever hath bene scene or hearde of, because 



28 



DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Golde, and 
Redd copper. 



A 8ea of 
freshe water. 



Cynamon, 
Cloves. 



Vasques de 
Coronado. 



Ceuola, a 
towne of 
CC houses. 



that from the heade to the mouthe of yt you shall 
finde all kmde of freshe and salte water fyshe, accord- 
inge to their season. There are also many whales, 
porposes, sea horses, and adhothuis, which is a kinde 
of fishe which wee have never scene nor hearde of 
before. And in the xii*? chapiter thus: Wee under- 
stoode of Donaconna and others that . . . there are 
people cladd with clothe as wee are, very honest, and 
many inhabited townes, and that they had greate 
store of golde and redde copper ; and that within 
the land beyonde the said firste ryver unto Hochelaga 
and Saguynay, ys an iland envyroned rounde aboute 
with that and other ryvers, and that there is a sea of 
freshe water founde, and, as they have hearde say 
of those of Saguynay, there was never man hearde of 
that founde oute the begynnynge and ende thereof. 
Finally, in the postscripte of the seconde relation, wee 
reade these wordes : They of Canada saye, that it is a 
moones sailinge to goe to a laiide where cynamonde 
and cloves are gathered. 

And nowe, because hitherto I have spoken of the 
outwarde coaste, I will also alledge the comodities of 
the inland, in the latitude of 37. degrees, about the 
citie of Ceuola, usinge the very wordes of Vasques de 
Coronado, in the thirde chapter of his Relation, writ- 
ten to Don Antonio di Mendoza, Viceroy of Mexico, 
which sente him thither with many Spaniardes and 
iiij. C. horses and a thousande Indians to discover 
those contries. He, speakinge there of the citie of 
Ceuola, procedeth in this manner : In questo done 
io sto hora alloggiato possono esserui qualche dugento 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 29 

case tutte circondate di muro, et parmi che con 1' altre 
che non sono cosi possono arriuare a cinquecento fuo- 
chi. V e vn' altra terra vicina, che e vna delle sette, et 
e alquanto maggior di questa, et vn' altra della mede- 
sima grandezza di questa, et I'altre quattro sono al- 
quanto minori, et tutte io le mando dipinte a vostra 
Signoria con il viaggio, et pergamino done va la 
pittura si trouo qui con altri pergamini .... hanno 
mantelli dipinti della maniera che io mando a vostra 
Signoria, non raccolgono bombaso . . . pero ne por- 
tano mantelli, come ella vedra per la mostra ; et e 
vero che si ritrouo nolle lor case certo bombaso filato : Bombase, 
. . . et hanno delle turchine penso in quantita ... si gmeraidi! 
trouaron in vna carta due punte di smeraldi, et certe 
picciole pietre rotte, che tirano al color di granate, . . 
et altre pietre di cristallo ... si trouaron galline . . 
son buonissime et maggiori che quelle di Messico. . . 
Si trouo buonissima herba ad vn quarto di legha di qua. 
. . . ISIangiano le migliori tortelle che io habbia veduto 
in alcuna parte. . . . Hanno buonissimo sale in grano, ExceUent 
che leuano da vn lagume che e lunghe vna giornata di 
qua. . . . Vi sono di molti animali, orsi, tigri, leoni, et 
porci spinosi, lepri, conigli, et certi castrati della gran- shepe. 

. excedinge 

dezza d' un cauallo, con corm molto ffrandi et code pic- greate. 

. . Apes. 

ciole. . . . Vi sono delle capre saluatiche, delle quali 
ho veduto le teste, . . et le pelli de i cingiali. Vi sono 
cacciagioni di cerui, pardi, caurioli molto grandi . , . 
fanno otto giornate verso le campagne al mare di set- The xorthe 
tentrione. Quiui sono certe pelli ben concie, et la 
concia et pittura gli dan done vccidon le vacche. In Oxen, 
the last chapiter he addeth : Mando a vostra Sig- 



30 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

noria vna pelle di vacca, certe turchine et duoi pen- 
dent! d'orecchie delle medesime, et quindici pettini 
de gl'Indiani, et alcune tauolette guarnite di queste 
turchine, &c. And for a conclusion he endethe say- 
Goideand enge '. In questo luogo s'e trouato alquanto oro et 
Syiver. argcuto, chc quei che s'intendon di miniera non 1' 

han reputato per cattiuo. 

And Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, in his Generall 
Historic of the Indies, fol. 297. and 298. in treatinge 
of the seconde voyadge of Franciscus Vasques de 
Coronado from Ceuola to Tigues, from Tigues to 
Cicuic, and from Cicuic to Quiuira, saieth firste of 
the contrye about Tigues : Ci sono in quel paese 
melloni, et cottone bianco et rosso, del quale fanno 
piu larghi mantelli, che in altre bande delle Indie. 
And of Quiuira he saieth: e Quiuira in quaranta 
gradi, e paese temperate de bonissime acque, di molto 
herbatico, prugne, more, noci, meloni et vue che matu- 
rano benissimo ; et vestono pelle di vacche e caprioli ; 
uiddero per la costa navi che portavano arcatrarzes 
di oro et argento per le proe, con mercantie, e cre- 
dettero ch'erano del Cataio et China : per che accen- 
navano, che havevano nauigato trenta di. 

Touchinge Newefounde lande, because no man hath 
better searched it oute, and all the comodities thereof, 
then those that were there the laste yere, 1583, the 
space of eightene daies on lande, with Sir Humfry 
Gilbert, I will make rehersall thereof, as I finde it 
comitted to printe in a learned discourse, intituled A 
Trve Reporte of the late Discoueries and Possessyon 
taken in the Righte of the Crowne of England, of the 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 31 

Newfounde Landes, &c. The wordes are these in the 
firste leafe: Then Sir Humfry wente to viewe the 
contrye, beinge well accompanied with moste of his 
capitaines and souldiers. They founde the same very 
temperate, but somwhat warmer then England at that 
time of the yere, replenished with beastes and greate 
store of fowle of divers kyndes, and fisshes of sondrye 
sortes, bothe in the salte water and in the freshe, in so 
greate plentie as mighte suffice to victuall an armye, 
and they are very easely taken. And in the fifte 
chapter of the said discourse I reade in this manner : 
But let us omitte all presumtions, howe vehemente so- 
ever, and dwell upon the certentie of suche comodities 
as were discovered and founde by Sir Humfry Gilbert 
and his assistantes in Newfoundelande, in Auguste 
laste ; fFor there may very easely be made pitche, tarr, Pitche, Tan-, 

. . . . Rosen, 

rosen, sope asshes, m greate plentie, yea, as it is Sope Asshes. 

thoughte, ynoughe to serve the whole realme of every 

of these kindes ; and of trayne oyle suche quantitie Trayne Oyie. 

as if I shoulde set downe the value that they doe 

esteme it at, which have bene there, yt woulde seme 

incredible. 

To this in effecte agreeth that which one Stepha- Stephanas 
nus Parmenius, a learned Hungarian, borne in Buda, of Buda. 
and lately my bedfelowe in Oxforde, wrote unto me Letters the 
oute of Newfounde lande, beins^e of Sir Humfryes Latin, out of 
companye : Piscium (saieth he, writinge in Latin) inex- i''"^^- 
hausta copia, inde hue commeantibus magnus queestus. 
Vix hamus fundum attigit, illico insigni aliquo onus- 
tus est. Terra universa montana et syluestris ; arbo- 
res vt plurimum pinus et abietes. Herbee omnes 



32 



DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Pynes and 
Fyrres. 



Afterwardes 
they sett the 
woodds on 
fire, which 
bumte three 
■weekes to- 
gether. 



Greate heate 
in New- 
foimde lande 
in sommer. 



Jasper Corte- 
realifl. 



procerae, sed raro a nostris diuersae. Natura videtur 
velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum. Inueni 
enim gramina et spicas in similitudinem secalis. Et 
facile cultura et satione in vsum humanum assuefieri 
posse videntur. Rubi in siluis vel potius fraga arbo- 
rescentia magna suauitate. Vrsi circa tuguria non- 
nunquam apparent et conficiuntur. . . . Ignotum 
est an aliquid metalli subsit montibus, . . . etsi aspec- 
tus eorum mineras latentes prae se ferat. Nos Ad- 
miralio authores fuimus syluas incendere, quo ad 
inspiciendam regionem spatium pateret ; nee displice- 
bat illi consilium, si non magnum incommodum alla- 
turum videretur. Confirmatum est enim ab idoneis 
bominibus, cum casu quopiam in alia nescio qua sta- 
tione id accidisset, septennium totum pisces non com- 
paruisse, exacerbata maris vnda ex terebinthina, quae 
conflagrantibus arboribus per riuulos defluebat. Cce- 
lum hoc anni tempore ita feruidum est vt nisi pisces 
qui arefiunt ad solem assidui inuertantur, ab adus- 
tione defendi non possint. . . . Aer in terra medi- 
ocriter clarus est. Ad orientem supra mare perpetuse 
nebulae, &c. 

Nowe, to passe from Newfoundelande to 60. de- 
grees, I finde it beste described by Jasper Corterealis, 
in the thirde volume of the voyadges gathered by 
Eamusius, fol. 417. There I reade as followeth: 
Nella parte del mondo nuouo che corre verso Tramon- 
tana et maestro all' incontro del nostro habitabile dell' 
Europa, v' hanno nauigato molti capitani, et il primo 
(per quel' che si sa) fu Gasparo Cortereale Porto- 
ghese, che del 1500. v' ando con due carauelle, pen- 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 33 

sanclo di troiiar qualche stretto di mare, donde per 
viaggio piu breue, che non e 1' andare attorno I'Aff- 
rica, potesse passare all' Isole delle Spicerie. Esso 
nauigo tanto aiianti, che venne in luogo, doue erano 
grandissimi freddi, et in gradi 60. di latitudine trouo eo degrees. 
vn fiume carico di neue, dalla quale gli dette il nome, 
chiamandolo Rio Neuado, ne gli basto I'animo di pas- RioXevado. 
sar piu auanti. Tutta questa costa, che corre dal 
detto Rio Neuado insin' al porto di Maluas leghe 200. 
ilqual e in gradi 56. la vidde plena di genti, et molto 
habitato : sopra laqual dismontato prese alcuni per 
menargli seco, scoperse ancho molte Isole per mezo 
la detta costa tutte populate, a ciascuna delle quali 
diede il norae. Gli habitanti sono huomini grandi, 
ben proportionati, ma alquanto berrettini, et si dipin- 
gono la faccia, et tutto il corpo con diuersi colori per D^^-ers coi- 

ours. 

galanteria. Portano manigli d' argento et di rame, silver. 

„. . . . T . Copper. 

et SI cuoprono con pelli cucite msieme di martori et Martoriet 
d' altri animali diversi ; il verno le portono col pelo diver'si. 
di dentro, et la state di fuori. II cibo loro per la 
maggior parte e di pesce piu che d'alcuna altra Pesce. 
cosa, massimamente di salmoni, che n'hanno gran- saimon. 
dissima copia: et anchora che vi siano diuersi sorti 
d'vccelli, et di frutti, nondimeno non fanno conto 
se non del pesce. Le loro habitationi sono fatte di 
legname, delquale hanno abbondantia per esserui Mishtieand 
grandissimi, et infiniti boschi, et in luogo di tegole le ° 
cuoprono di pelli di pesci, che ne pigliano grandis- MigbUeiishe. 
simi, et gli scorticano. Vidde molti vccelli, et altri 
animali, massimamente orsi tutti bianchi. 



34 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

The reste of this coaste from 60. to 63. is described 
by Frobisher, and in freshe memorye, so that I shall 
not nede to make repetition thereof. 

Thus, havinge alleaged many printed testymonies of 
these credible persons, which were personally betwene 
30. and 63. degrees in America, as well on the coaste 
as within the lande, which affirmed unto the princes 
and kinges which sett them oute, that they founde there 
golde, silver, copper, leade, and perles in aboundaunce ; 
precious stones, as turqueses and emrauldes ; spices 
and druggs, as pepper, cynamon, cloves, rubarb, muske 
called castor, turpentine ; silke wormes, fairer then 
ours of Europe ; white and redd cotten ; infinite multi- 
tudes of all kinde of beastes, with their tallowe and 
A sinjjuier hidcs drcsscd and undressed ; cochenilio, founde laste 
for dyenge of ycrc by tlic mcu of St. John de Luze, and many 

Eiiglishe 

clothe. other kindes of coulours for clothinge ; millions of all 

kindes of fowles for foode and fethers ; salte for fissh- 
inge ; excellent vines in many places for wines ; the 
soile apte to beare olyves for oile ; all kindes of frutes, 
as oranges, almondes, filberdes, figges, plomes, mul- 
beries, raspis, pomi appij, melons ; all kinde of odorif- 
erous trees and date trees, cipresses, cedars, bayes, 
sapines, hony and waxe; and in New founde lande 
piancks for aboundauuce of pynes and firr trees, asshes, and other 
oares. like, to make mastes and deale boordes, pitche, tarr, 

Thinges inci- roscu ; and hempe for cables and cordage ; and, upp 
navy. witliiu the Grauudc Baye, excedinge quantitie of all 

kynde of precious furres (whereof I sawe twentie 
thousande French crownes worthe the laste yere 
broughte to Paris to Valeron Perosse and Mathewe 



WESTERNS PLANTING. 35 

Grainer, the kinges skynners); also, suche aboun- 
daunce of trayne oile to make sope, and of fishe as a Sope ashes, 
third part of Europe ys furnished therewith, — I may 
well and truly conclude with reason and authoritie, 
that all the comodities of all our olde decayed and 
daungerous trades in all Europe, Africa, and Asia 
haunted by us, may in shorte space for little or noth- 
inge, and many for the very workemanshippe, in a 
manner be had in that part of America which lieth 
betwene 30. and 60. degrees of northerly latitude, if 
by our slacknes we suffer not the Frenche or others Prevention 

to be taken 

to prevente us. iiede of. 



36 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. IV. ®|)at this enterprize will be for the manifolde ymployment of nom- 
bers of idle men, and for bredinge of many sufficient, and 
for utteraunce of the greate quantitie of the comodities of 
our realme. 

It is well worthe the observation to see and con- 
sider what the like voyadges of discoverye and plant- 
inge in the Easte and Weste Indies hath wroughte 
in the kingdomes of Portingale and Spayne ; bothe 
which realraes, beinge of themselves poore and bar- 
ren and hardly able to susteine their inhabitaunts, 
by their discoveries have founde suche occasion of 
employmente, that these many yeres we have not 
herde scarcely of any pirate of those twoo nations ; 
whereas wee and the Frenche are moste infamous 
for our outeragious, common, and daily piracies. 
Againe, when hearde wee almoste of one theefe 
amongest theml The reason is, that by these, their 
newe discoveries, they have so many honest wayes to 
set them on worke, as they rather wante men then 
meanes to ymploye them. But wee, for all the stat- 
utes that hitherto can be devised, and the sharpe 
execution of the same in poonishinge idle and lazye 
persons, for wante of sufficient occasion of honest 
employmente, cannot deliver our common weal the 
from multitudes of loyterers and idle vagabondes. 
Truthe it is, that throughe our longe peace and sel- 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 37 

dome sicknes (twoo singuler blessinges of Almightie 
God) wee are growen more populous than ever here- 
tofore ; so that nowe there are of every arte and 
science so many, that they can hardly lyve one by 
another, nay rather they are readie to eate upp one 
another ; yea many thousandes of idle persons are Hie persons 

•I 'Z '- mutynous, 

within this realme, which, havinoje no way to be sett ami desire 

' ' o J alteration in 

on worke, be either mutinous and seeke alteration t^^^ state. 
in the state, or at leaste very burdensome to the com- 
monwealthe, and often fall to pilferinge and thevinge 
and other lewdnes, whereby all the prisons of the 
lande are daily pestred and stuffed full of them, 
where either they pitifully pyne awaye, or els at 
lengthe are miserably hanged, even xx*^ at a clappe 
oute of some one jayle. Whereas yf this voyadge 
were put in execution, these pety theves miehte be a remedy to 

^ . all these in- 

condempned for certen yeres in the westerne partes, conveinences. 

especially in Newefounde lande, in sawinge and fell- 

inge of tymber for mastes of shippes, and deale 

boordes ; in burninge of the firres and pine trees to 

make pitche, tarr, rosen, and sope ashes ; in beatinge 

and workinge of hempe for cordage ; and, in the more 

southerne partes, in settinge them to worke in mynes 

of golde, silver, copper, leade, and yron ; in dragginge 

for perles and currall ; in plan tinge of suger canes, as 

the Portingales have done in Madera; in mayneteyn- 

aunce and increasinge of silke wormes for silke, and 

in dressinge the same ; in gatheringe of cotten whereof 

there is plentie ; in tillinge of the soile there for graine ; 

in dressinge of vines whereof there is greate aboun- 

daunce for wyne ; olyves, whereof the soile ys capable, 



38 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

for oyle ; trees for oranges, lymons, almondes, figges, 
and other frutes, all which are founde to growe there 
already ; in sowinge of woade and madder for diers, 
as the Portingales have don in the Azores ; in dress- 
inge of raw hides of divers kindes of beastes ; in 
makinge and gatheringe of salte, as in Rochel and 
Bay on, which may serve for the newe lande fissh- 
inge ; in killinge the whale, scale, porpose, and 
whirlepoole for trayne oile ; in fisshinge, saltinge, 
and dryenge of linge, codde, salmon, herringe ; in 
makinge and gatheringe of hony, waxe, turpentine ; 
in hewinge and shapinge of stone, as marble, jeate, 
christall, freestone, which will be goodd balaste for 
our shippes homewardes, and after serve for noble 
buildinges ; in makinge of caske, oares, and all other 
manner of staves ; in buildinge of fortes, townes, 
churches ; in powdringe and barrellinge of fishe, 
fowles, and fleshe, which will be notable provision for 
sea and lande ; in dryenge, sortinge, and packinge of 
fethers, whereof may be had there marvelous greate 
quantitie. 

Besides this, such as by any kinde of infirmitie 
cannot passe the seas thither, and now are chardge- 
able to the realme at home, by this voyadge shal be 
made profitable members, by employinge them in 
England in makinge of a thousande triflinge thinges, 
which will be very gpodd marchandize for those 
contries where wee shall have moste ample vente 
thereof. 

And seinge the savages of the Graunde Baye, and 
all alonge the mightie ryver that ronneth upp to 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 39 

Canada and Hochelaga, are greately delighted with 
any cappe or garment made of course wollen clothe, 
their contrie beinge colde and sharpe in the winter, 
yt is manifesto wee shall finde greate utteraunce 
of our clothes, especially of our coursest and basest 
northerne doosens, and our Irishe and Welshe frizes 
and rugges ; whereby all occupations belonginge to 
clothinge and knittinge shalbe freshly sett on worke, 
as cappers, knitters, clothiers, wollmen, carders, spyn- 
ners, weavers, fullers, shoremen, dyers, drapers, hat- 
ters, and such like, whereby many decayed townes 
may be repaired. 

In somme, this enterprice will mynister matter for 
all sortes and states of men to worke upon ; namely, 
all severall kindes of artificers, husbandmen, seamen, 
marchauntes, souldiers, capitaines, phisitions, lawyers, 
de vines, cosmographers, hidrographers, astronomers, 
historiographers; yea, olde folkes, lame persons, 
women, and younge children, by many meanes which 
hereby shall still be mynistred unto them, shalbe 
kepte from idlenes, and be made able by their owne 
honest and easie labour to finde themselves, withoute 
surchardginge others. For proofe of the laste parte 
of my allegation I will use but onely this one ex- 
ample foUowinge. / 

In the yere of our Lorde 1564. at what tyme the 
Flemishe nation were growen, as yt were, to the fulnes 
of their w^ealthe and to the heighte of their pride, 
and not remembringe what wonderfull gaine they had 
yerely by the wolles, clothes, and comodities of Eng- 
land, beganne to contempne oui- nation and to rejecte 



40 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

our clothes and comodities, a subjecte of the then 
twoo Erles of Emden, a man of greate observation, 
wrote a notable discourse to the younge erles, to take 
occasion of that present tyme by offer of large privi- 
ledges in Emden to the Englishe men. In which dis- 
course, the said subjecte, for the better inducemente 
of the said twoo younge erles, dothe write of his 
owne knowledge, as he in his discourse affirmeth, 
and as also by his reporte appereth in the 22d booke 
of Sleydans Comentaries, that, anno 1550. Charles 
the Fifte, then Emperour, would have had the Span- 
ishe Inquisition broughte into Andwerpe and into the 
Netherlandes ; whereaboute there was moche adoe, 
and that neither the sute of the towne of Andwerpe, 
nor the requeste of their frendes, could perswade the 
Emperour from it, till at the laste they tolde him 
playnely, that if the Inquisition came into Andwerpe 
and the Netherlandes, that the Englishe marchantes 
woulde departe oute of the towne and oute of his 
contries ; and upon declaration of this suggestion, 
searche was made what profite there came and 
comoditie grewe by the haunte of the Englishe mar- 
chantes. Then was it founde by searche and enquirie, 
that within the towne of Andwerpe alone, there were 
fourtene thousande persons fedde and mayneteyned 
onely by the workinge of Englishe commodities, 
besides the gaines that marchantes and shippers with 
other in the said towne did gett, which was the great- 
est parte of their lyvinge, which were thoughte to be 
in nomber halfe as many more; and in all other places 
of his Netherlandes by the indrapinge of Englishe 



WESTERN E PLANTING. 41 

woll into clothe, and by the workinge of other Eng- 
lishe comodities, there were thirtie thousande per- 
sons more mayneteyned and fedd ; which in all 
araounteth to the nomber of Ij.M. persons. And this 
was the reporte that was geven to this mightie Em- 
perour whereby the towne of Andwerpe and the 
Netherlandes were saved from the Inquisition. And 
in the ende of the 45th article of the same discourse, 
also, he setteth down by particuler accompte howe 
the subjectes of the same Emperour in the Nether- 
landes dyd gaine yerely onely by the woll and wollen six hundred 

thousand 

clothe that came eche yere oute of Enojland, almoste pounde 

o gayned yere- 

vi. C. M" I say almoste sixe hundreth thousande 17^^^ ^"s- 

•' ushe wolles. 

poundes sterlinge, besides the gaines they had for 
sondry other thinges, that were of marvelous somes. 

Nowe if her Majestic take these westerne discov- 
eries in hande, and plante there, yt is like that in 
shorte time wee shall vente as greate a masse of 
clothe yn those partes as ever wee did in the Nether- 
landes, and in tyme moche more ; which was the 
opinion of that excellent man, Mr. Roberto Thorne, 
extante in printe in the laste leafe savinge one of his 
discourse to Doctor Lea, embassador for King Henry 
the Eighte, in Spaine, with Charles the Emperour, 
whose wordes are these : And althoughe (saieth he) 
wee wente not into the said ilandes of spicerye, for 
that they are the Emperours or Kinges of Portingale, 
wee shoulde by the way, and comynge once to the 
lyne equinoctiall, finde landes no lesse riche of golde 
and spicerie, as all other landes are under the said 
lyne equinocticall ; and also shoulde, yf wee may 

6 



42 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

passe under the northe, enjoye the navigation of all 
Tartarye, which should be no lesse profitable to 
our comodities of clothe, then those spiceries to the 
Emperour and Kinge of Portingale. 

This beinge soe, yt coineth to passe, that whatso- 
ever clothe wee shall vente on the tracte of that firme, 
or in the ilandes of the same, or in other landes, 
ilandes, and territories beyonde, be they within the 
circle articke or withoute, all these clothes, I say, are 
to passe oute of this realme full wroughte by our 
naturall subjectes in all degrees of labour. And if it 
come aboute in tyme that wee shall vente that masse 
there that wee vented in the Base Gentries, which 
is hoped by greate reason, then shall all that clothe 
passe oute of this realme in all degrees of labour 
full wroughte by the poore naturall subjectes of this 
realme, like as the quantitie of our clothe dothe passe 
that goeth hence to Russia, Barbaric, Turkye, Persia, 
«&c. And then consequently it foUoweth, that the like 
nomber of people alleaged to the Emperour shal be 
sett on worke in England of our poore subjectes more 
then hath bene ; and so her Majestic shall not be 
troubled with the pitefuU outecryes of cappers, knyt- 
ters, spynners, &c. 

And on the other side wee are to note, that all 
the comodities wee shall bringe thence, wee shall not 
bringe them wroughte, as wee bringe now the comodi- 
ties of Fraunce and Flaunders, &c., but shall receave 
them all substaunces unwroughte, to the ymploymente 
of a wonderfull multitude of the poore subjectes of 
this realme in returne. And so to conclude, what in 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 



43 



the nomber of thinges to goe oiite wroughte, and 
to come in miwroughte, there nede not one poore 
creature to steale, to starve, or to begge as they doe. 

And to answer objections ; where fooles for the Objection. 
swarminge of beggers alleage that the realme is too 
populous, Salomon saieth, that the honour and Aunswer. 
strengthe of a prince consisteth in the multitude of the 
people. And if this come aboute, that worke may be 
had for the multitude, where the realme hath nowe one 
thousande for the defence thereof, the same may have 
fyve thousande. For when people knowe howe to 
live, and howe to mayneteyne and feede their wyves 
and children, they will not abstaine from mariage as 
nowe they doe. And the soile thus aboundinge with 
corne, fleshe, mylke, butter, cheese, herbes, rootes, 
and frutes, &c., and the seas that envyron the same 
so infynitely aboundinge in fishe, I dare truly affirme, 
that if the nomber in this realme were as greate as 
all Spaine and Ffraunce have, the people beinge indus- 
trious, I say, there shoulde be founde victualls ynoughe 
at the full in all bounty to suffice them all. And 
takinge order to cary hence thither our clothes made 
in hose, coates, clokes, whoodes, &c., and to returne 
thither hides of their owne beastes, tanned and turned 
into shoes and bootes, and other skynnes of goates, 
whereof they have store, into gloves, &c., no doubte 
but wee shall sett on worke in this realme, besides 
sailers and suche as shalbe seated there in those 
westerne discovered contries, at the leaste C. M. sub- 
jectes, to the greate abatinge of the goodd estate of 
subjectes of forreine princes, enemies, or doubtful! 



44 DISCOUKSE CONCERNING 

frendes, and this absque injuria^ as the lawyers say, 
albeit not sine damno. And havinge a vente of lyn- 
nen, as the Spaniardes have in the rest of that firme, 
wee may sett our people, in makinge the same, infi- 
nitely on worke, and in many other thinges besides ; 
which time will bringe aboute, thoughe no we, for 
wante of knowledge and full experience of this 
trade, wee cannot enter into juste accompte of all 
parti culers. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 45 



®|)at this voyadge will he a greate hridle to the Indies of the cap. V. 
Ivinge of Spaine, and a raeane that wee may arreste at our 
pleasure for the space of tenne weekes or three monethes 
every yere one or twoo C. saile of his subjectes shippes at 
the fyshinge in Newfounde Land. 

K^t cause why the Kinge of Spaine, these three 
or foure yeres last paste, was at suche intollerable 
chardges in furnishinge oute so many navies to wynne 
Tercera, and the other small ilandes of the Azores 
adjacent to the same, was the oportunitie of the places 
in interceptinge his West Indian flete at their retume 
homewarde, as a matter that toucheth him indeede 
to the quicke. But the plantinge of twoo or three v 
stronge fortes upon some goodd havens (whereof there 
is greate store) betwene Florida and Cape Briton, 
woulde be a matter in shorte space of greater domage 
as well to his flete as to his westerne Indies ; for wee 
shoulde not onely often tymes indaunger his flete in 
the returne thereof, but also in fewe yeres put him . 
in hazarde in loosinge some parte of Nova Hispania. 

Touchinge the fleete, no man (that knoweth the 
course thereof, comynge oute betwene Cuba and the 
Cape of Florida, alonge the gulfe or straite of Ba- 
hama) can denye that it is caried by the currant northe 
and northeaste towardes the coaste which wee purpose, 
God willinge, to inhabite ; which hapned to them not 



46 DISCOURSE CONCERNrNG 

twoo yeres past, as Mr. Jenynges and Mr. Smithe, 
the master and master's mate of the shippe called 
the Toby, belonginge to Bristowe, infourmed me, and 
many of the chefest merchauntes of that citie, whereof 
they had particuler advertisement at Cadiz in Spaine 
a little before by them that were in the same flete 
the selfe same yere, and were in person driven upon 
the same coaste, and sawe the people, which they re- 
ported to be bigge men, somewhat in makinge like 
the Hollanders, and lighted on a towne upon a ryvers 
side, which they affirmed to be above a quarter of a 
mile in lengthe. Besides the current, it is also a 
thinge withoute controversie, that all southerne and 
south esterne windes inforce the Spanishe flete return- 
inge home nere or upon the aforesaide coaste, and 
consequently will bringe them into our daunger, after 
wee shalbe there strongly setled and fortified. 

Wee are moreover to understande that the savages 
of Florida are the Spaniardes mortall enemyes, and 
wilbe ready to joyne with us againste them, as they 
joyned with Capitaine Gourgues, a Gascoigne, whoe 
beinge but a private man, and goinge thither at his 
owne chardges, by their aide wonne and rased the 
three small fortes, which the Spaniardes aboute xx" 
yeres agoe had planted in Florida after their traitor- 
ous slaughter of John Ribault ; which Gourgues 
slewe, and hanged upp divers of them on the same 
trees whereon the yere before they had hanged the 
Frenche. Yea, one Holocotera, brother to one of the 
kinges of the savages, leapinge upp on an highe 
place, with his owne handes slewe a Spanishe canon- 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 47 

ier as he was puttinge fire to a pece of ordynaimce ; 
which storye is at large in printe sett furthe by Mon- 
sieur Poplynier in his book intituled Trois Mondes. 

Also, within the lande on the northe side of Nova 
Hispania, there is a people called Chichimici, which 
are bigg and stronge men and valiaunte archers, which 
have contynuall warres with the Spaniardes, and doe 
greately annoy e them. The Spanishe histories which 
I have reade, and other late discourses, make greate 
mention of them. Yea, Myles Phillipps, whoe was 
xiiij. yeres in those partes, and presented his whole 
travell in writinge to her Majestie, confesseth this to 
be moste certaine. 

Nowe if wee (beinge thereto provoked by Spanishe 
injuries) woulde either joyne with these savages, or 
sende or give them armor, as the Spaniardes arme 
our Irishe rebells, wee shoulde trouble the Kinge of 
Spaine more in those partes, then he hath or can 
trouble us in Ireland, and holde him at suche a bay as 
he was never yet helde at. For if (as the aforesaide 
Miles Phillipps writeth) yt be true, that one negro 
which fledd from his cruell Spanishe master is 
receaved and made capitaine of multitudes of the 
Chichimici, and daily dothe grevously afflicte them, 
and hath almoste enforced them to leave and abandon 
their silver mynes in those quarters, what domage 
mighte divers hundreds of Englishe men doe them, 
beinge growen once into familiaritie with that valiaunte 
nation. 

And this is the greatest feare that the Spaniardes 
have, to witt, our plantinge in those partes and joyn- 



48 



DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



inge with those savages, their neighbours, in Florida, 
and on the northe side of Nova Hispania. Which 
thinge an Englishe gentleman, Capitaine MufFett, wlioe 
is nowe in Fraunce, tolde divers tymes this laste 
winter in my hearinge and others of credite, namely, 
that when he was in Spaine, prisoner, not longe since, 
he hearde the threasurer of the West Indies say, that 
there was no suche way to hinder his master, as to 
plante upon the coaste nere unto Florida, from whence 
by greate ryvers any man mighte easely passe farr upp 
into the lande, and joyne with his enemyes, whereof 
he stoode in contynuall feare ; and said moreover, that 
that was the occasion why suche crueltie was used 
towardes John Ribaulte and his companie upon his 
seekinge to settle there. 

Fynally, if wee liste not to come so nere Florida, 
this is a matter of no small momente, that if we 
The benefite fortific oursclvcs aboutc Cape Briton, nere Newfounde 
abo^ute Cape land, partcly by the strengthe of our fortification, and 
Newfounde partcly by the aide of our navye of ffishermen, which 
are already comaunders of others there, havinge our 
double forces thus joyned together, wee shalbe able 
upon every soodden to cease upon one or twoo liun- 
dreth Spanishe and Portingale shipps, which for tenne 
weekes or three monethes are there on fisshinge every 
yere. This I say will be suche a bridle to him and 
suche an advauntage unto us, as wee cannot possibly 
ymagine a greater. And thus the Frenche served 
them in the time of Mounsieurs beinge in Flaunders, 
caryenge awaye oute of some harborowes three or 
foure Spanishe and Portingale shippes at ones; and 



WESTERNE PLAJSTING. 49 

more they woulde have taken, if our Englishmen, and, 
namely, one of myne acquaintaunce of Ratclife, had 
not defended them. And hither of necessitie they 
muste yerely repaire, bemge not able to make their 
provision for land and sea of fishe in any place els, 
excepte on the coaste of Ireland, and at Cape Blancke 
in Africa, which twoo are nothinge worthe in com- 
parison of this thirde place. 

So shall wee be able to crye quittaunce with the 
Kinge of Spaine if he shoulde goe aboute to make 
any generall arreste of our navye, or rather terrifie 
him from any such enterpryse, when he shall bethincke 
himself that his navye in Newfounde lande is no lesse 
in our daunger, then ours is in his domynions where- 
soever. 



60 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. ■\^. 9ri)at the miscliefe that the Indian treasure wroughte in time of 
Charles the late Emperor, father to the Spanishe kinge, is 
to be had in consideration of the Queens moste excellent 
Majestic, leaste the contynuall comynge of the like treasure 
from thence to his sonne, worke the unrecoverable annoye 
of this realme, whereof already we have had very daunger- 
ous experience. 

3it is written in the xxx*? article of the discourse 
before specified, dedicated to the twoo younge Erles 
of Emden, as followeth, verbatim : With this greate 
treasure did not the Emperour Charles gett from the 
French Kinge the Kingdome of Naples, the Duke- 
dome of Myllaine, and all other his domynions in 
Italy, Lombardy, Pyemont, and Savoye? With this 
treasure did he not take the Pope prisoner, and sack 
the sea of Rome 1 With this treasure did he not take 
the Frenche Kinge prisoner, and mayneteyne all the 
greate warres with Fraunce since the yere of our 
Lorde 1540.to the yere of our Lord 1560. as is declared 
in the 12.and 13. article of his booke ? With this treas- 
ure hath he not mayneteyned many cities in Italic, 
as well againste the Pope as againste the Frenche 
Kinge, as Parma, Florence, and such other? With 
this treasure did he not overthrowe the Duke of 
Cleave, and take Gilderland, Groyningelande, and 
other domynions from him, which oughte to be a 
goode warninge to you all, as it shall be most plainely 



■WESTERNE PLANTING. 51 

and truly declared hereafter ! With this treasure did 
he not gett into his handes the Erldome of Lingen in 
Westfalia ? With this treasure did he not cause the 
Erie of Esones, your subject, to rebell againste your 
Graces father and againste you? The cause you knowe 
best. And what worke this treasure made amongest the 
princes and townes in Germany, when the Duke of 
Saxony and the Launtzgrave Van Hessen were taken, 
Sleydan, our owne countryman, by his Chronicle 
declareth at large. And did not this treasure, named 
the Burgundishe asse, walke and ronne in all places 
to make bothe warr and peace at pleasure 1 And 
tooke he nothinge from the Empire then ? Yes, truly, 
to moche, as you shall heare. When the Emperor 
Charles was firste made Emperour, what were the 
townes and contries in the Netherlandes that justly 
or properly came to him by birthe and inheritaunce ? 
There was Brabant, Flaunders, Holland, Zeland, 
Artoys, and Henego. And yet there is a greate 
question concerninge Holland, howe the Emperour 
Charles and his progenitors came by yt, and what 
homage and duetie they oughte to doe for the same ; 
because thereby the house of Burgundy hath the 
mouthe of the Eiver of Rhene at their commaunde- 
mente, which is to the greate losse, domage, aijd daun- 
ger of Germanye, as hereafter shalbe declared. Here 
be all the contries that belonged to the house of 
Burgundie when the Emperour Charles was made Em- 
perour. But howe moche hath bene added to the 
Netherlandes since by him, contrary to his oathe made? 
That are these townes and contries, as yt appereth in 



52 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

Sleydans Chronicle ; viz., Lutzenburge, Lymeburge, 
Gelderlande, the Erldome of Sutphen, the Citie and 
Straite of Vtright, with all the landes in Over Isel, 
West Frizeland, the Citie of Groninge, and Groininge 
lande. And, as before it is saied, he hath by pollicie 
gotten into his handes the Erldome of Lingen, stand- 
inge in Westfalia ; and by the like pollicie, with money, 
he is become the defender of the Eiiedome of Esons, 
which is parcell of your Graces countrie of East Frize- 
land. All these contries and townes, with the treasure 
of the Netherlandes, hath he taken from the Empire. 
Thus farr procedeth this excellent man in describ- 
inge howe Charles the Emperour employed his treas- 
ure to the afflictinge and oppressinge of moste of the 
greatest estates of Christendome. The effecte of these 
treasures which he had oute of the West Indies, 
Peter Martir of Angleria, in the epistle dedicatory of 
his Decades to the said Emperour Charles, truly prog- 
nosticated in the begynnynge, before hande, where he 
vvriteth thus unto him : Come therefore and embrace 
this newe worlde, and suffer us no longer to consume 
in desire of your presence. From hence, from hence 
(I say), moste noble younge Prince, shall instrumentes 
be prepared for you whereby all the worlde shalbe 
under your obeysaunce. 

And in very deede it is moste apparaunte that riches 
are the fittest instrumentes of conqueste, and that the 
Emperour turned them to that use. 

To leave the father and to come to the sonne, hath 
KingePhii- not Kinge Phillip pe employed his treasure as injuri- 
JffreV by ws^ ously to all priuccs and potentates of Europe ? Is it 

treasures. 



WESTERNS PLANTING. 53 

not he that with his Indian treasure corrupted the Quin- 
queviri in Portingale, that in the interregnum were 
appointed overseers of the comon wealthe, and so 
hath joyned thatkingdome to his, with all the ilandes, 
townes, and domynions belonginge to that crowne 1 
Is it not he that with his treasure hath gon aboute to 
hier some ungodlye murderer to make away with Don 
Antonio, one while by open proclamation, and another 
while sotto capo, under hande ? Is it not he that by 
his treasure hathe hired at sondry times the sonnes of 
Belial! to bereve the Prince of Orange of his life ? 
And hath he not suborned by hope of rewarde other 
moste ungodly persons to lay violent handes upon 
other Christian princes? Hath not he these many 
yeres geven large pensions to nombers of Englishe 
unnaturall rebelles ? Dothe he not supporte the 
semynaries of Rome and Rhemes to be thornes in 
the sides of their owne comon wealthes? Hath not he 
divers tymes sente forren forces into Ireland, furnished 
with money, armor, munition, and victualls ? Hath 
not he sente rounde somes of money into Scotland, 
bothe to the Kinge and those that are aboute him, 
to alter the estate there and to trouble oures ? And 
is it not knowen that this Spanishe asse rometh upp 
and downe laden throughe all Fraunce, and, when it 
coulde not enter into the papistes gates, yt hath 
soughte to enter into the courtes of the princes of the 
Eelligion, to renewe the late intermitted civile warres ? 
What it hath done and nowe dothe in all the Empire 
and the Lowe Contries, and is like to worke in other 
places unlesse speedy order be taken to hinder it, 



54 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

is described at large by Mounsieur de Aldegonnde, 
a Germaine gentleman, in a pithie and moste earnest 
exhortation (extant in Latine, Italian, Frenche, Eng- 
lishe, and Duche) concerninge the estate of Chris- 
tendome, together with the meanes to defende and 
preserve the same, dedicated to all Christian kinges, 
princes, and potentates. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 55 



to I] at speciall meanes may bringe Kinge Phillippe from his highe Cap. VII, 
throne, and make him equall to the princes his neighboures ; 
wherewithal! is shewed his weakenes in the West Indies. 

-firStC, it is to be considered that his domynions 
and territories oute of Spaine lye farr distant from 
Spaine, his chefest force ; and farr distante one from 
another ; and are kepte by greate tyrannic ; and quos 
metuuni oderunt. And the people kepte in subjection 
desire nothinge more then freedome. And like as a 
little passage given to water, it maketh his owne way ; 
so give but a small meane to suche kepte in tyranie, 
they will make their owne way to libertie ; which way 
may easely be made. And entringe into the considera- 
tion of the way how this Phillippe may be abased, I 
meane firste to begynne with the West Indies, as 
there to laye a chefe foundation for his overthrowe. 
And like as the foundation of the strongest holde 
undermyned and removed, the mightiest and strongest 
walles fall flatt to the earthe ; so this prince, spoiled 
or intercepted for a while of his treasure, occasion by 
lacke of the same is geven that all his territories in 
Europe oute of Spaine slide from him, and the Moores 
enter into Spg^ine it selfe, and the people revolte in 
every forrein territorie of his, and cutt the throates of 
the proude hatefull Spaniardes, their governours. For 
this PhiUippe already owinge many millions, and of 



56 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

late yeres empaired in credite, bothe by lacke of 
abilitie of longe tyme to pay the same, and by his 
shameful losse of his Spaniardes and dishonors in the 
Lowe Gentries, and by lacke of the yerely renewe of 
his revenewe, he shall not be able to wage his 
severall garrisons kepte in his severall frontiers, terri- 
tories, and places, nor to corrupte in princes courtes, 
nor to doe many feates. And this weyed, wee are to 
knowe what Phillip ys in the West Indies ; and that 
wee be not abused with Spanish braggs, and made to 
beleve what he is not ; and so, drawen into vain feare, 
suffer fondly and childishly our owne utter spoile. 
And therefore wee are to understande that Phillippe 
rather governeth in the West Indies by opinion, then 
by mighte ; fFor the small manred of Spaine, of itself 
beinge alwayes at the best slenderly peopled, was 
never able to rule so many regions, or to kepe in sub- 
jection such worldes of people as be there, were it not 
for the error of the Indian people, that thincke he is 
that he is not, and that doe ymagine that Phillippe 
hath a thousande Spaniardes for every single naturall 
subjecte that he hath there. And like as the Romaynes, 
allured hither into Britaine, perced the Hand, and 
planted here and there in the mouthes of rivers and 
upon straites, and kepte colonies, as at Westchester 
upon the Eiver of Dee, at York upon the Hiver of 
Owse, and upon the Rivers of Thames and Severne, 
and yet in truthe never enioyed more of the contries 
rounde aboute then the Englishe, planted at Bulloine 
and Calice, did of the Frenche soile adjoyninge, nor in 
effecte had the Brittishe nation at comaundement ; even 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 57 

SO hath the Spaniarde perced the Indies, and planted 
here and there very thinlye and slenderlye, withoute 
havinge the Indian multitude in subjection, or in their 
townes and fortes any noraber to holde any of them 
againste the meanest force of a prince ; so as in truthe 
the Spaniarde ys very weake there. And it is knowen 
to Sir Fraunces Drake, and to Mr. Hawkins, and 
Miles Phillipps (which Miles lyved xiiij. yeres in Nova 
Spania), and to dyvers others of her Majesties sub- 
jectes besides that have been there, that the ilandes 
there abounde with people and nations that rejecte 
the proude and bluddy government of the Spaniarde, 
and that doe mortally hate the Spaniarde. And they 
also knowe that the Moores, and suche as the Span- 
iardes have broughte thither for the mynes and for 
slavery, have fledd from them into the inlandes, and of 
them selves maineteine in many places frontier warres 
againste the Spaniarde, and many tymes so prevaile, 
and especially of late, that 'the Spaniardes have 
bene inforced to sende the Spanishe marchauntes 
them selves into the warres, althoughe yt be againste 
the special privledges graunted by Charles, the late 
Emperour, to the marchauntes, as may plainely appere 
by Spanishe marchauntes letters taken by Sir Fraunces 
Drake passinge in the sea of Sur towarde Panama, to 
be conveyed into Spaine. And it is thoughte that Sir 
Fraunces Drake and some other Englishe are of 
so greate credite with the Symerons and with those 
that mayneteyne those frontier warrs, that he mighte, 
bringinge thither a fewe capitaines and some of our 
meaner souldiers late trayned in the Base Contries, 



58 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

with archers and lighte furniture, &c., bringe to passe 
that, joyninge with those inland people, Kinge Phil- 
lippe mighte either be deprived of his governemente 
there, or at the leaste of the takinge of his yerely 
benefite of the mynes. Thus with small chardge and 
fewe men, nowe and then renewinge this matter by a 
few sailes to be sent thither for the comforte of suche 
as shalbe there resident, and for the incouragemente 
of the Symerons, greater effecte may followe then by 
meetinge with his golden flete, or by takinge of his 
treasures once or twise at the sea ; for by this meanes, 
or by a platforme well to be sett downe, England may 
enjoye the benefite of the Indian mynes, or at the 
leaste kepe Phillippe from possessinge the same. 

Hereunto yf wee adde our purposed westerne dis- 
coveries, and there plante and people ryally, and for- 
tifie strongly, and there builde shippes and maineteine 
a navy in special porte or portes, wee may by the same 
either encounter the Indian fleete, or be at hande as 
it were to yelde freshe supplye, courage, and comforte, 
by men or munition, to the Chichimici and the Syme- 
rons and suche other as shalbe incited to the spoile 
of the mynes ; which in tyme will, if it be not looked 
to, bringe all princes to weake estate, that Phillippe, 
either for relligion or other cause, dothe hate ; as the 
aforesaide Monsieur de Aldegond, in his pithie and 
moste earneste exhortation to all Christian kinges, 
princes, and potentates to beware of Kinge Phillipps 
ambitious growinge, dothe wisely and moste provi- 
dently forwarne. 

To this may be added (the realme swarming with 



WESTERN E PLANTING. 59 

lustie youthes that be turned to no profitable use), 
there may be sente bandes of them into the Base Con- 
tries in more rounde nombers then are sente as yet. 
Ffor if he presently prevaile there, at our doores, 
farewell the traficque that els wee may have there 
(whereof wise men can say moche). And if he settle 
there, then let the realme saye adewe to her quiet 
state and safetie. 

If these enter into the due consideration of wise 
men, and if platformes of these thinges be sett downe 
and executed duelye and with spede and effecte, no 
doubte but the Spanishe empire falles to the grounde, 
and the Spanishe kinge shall be lefte bare as Aesops 
proude crowe ; the peacocke, the perot, the pye, and 
the popingey, and every other birde havinge taken 
home from him his gorgeous fethers, he will, in 
shorte space, become a laughinge stocke for all the 
worlde ; with such a mayme to the Pope and to that 
side, as never hapned to the sea of Rome by the 
practise of the late Kinge of famous memory, her Ma- 
jesties father, or by all the former practises of all the 
Protestant princes of Germanic, or by any other 
advise layde downe by Monsieur de iVldegond, here 
after by them to be put in execution. If you touche 
him in the Indies, you touche the apple of his eye ; 
for take away his treasui'e, which is nerims belli, and 
which he hath almoste oute of his West Indies, his 
olde bandes of souldiers will soone be dissolved, his 
purposes defeated, his power and strengthe dimin- 
ished, his pride abated, and his tyranie utterly sup- 
pressed. 



60 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. YIII. 2[l)fll the lymites of the Kinge of Spaines domynions in the West 
Indies be nothinge so large as is generally ymagined and 
surmized, neither those partes which he holdeth be of any 
such forces as is falsly geven oute by the Popishe clergie 
and others his fautors, to terrifie the princes of the relligion 
and to abuse and blynde them. 

^S t\)t Secretary of Don Antonio, Kinge of Portin- 
gale, called Custodio Etan, tolde me lately at Paris, 
that the Portingales never had in Guinea, Bresill, and 
all the Easte Indies above twelve thousande Portin- 
gale souldiers whensoever they had moste, which was 
confirmed by one of the Kinges capitaines borne in 
Goa, then presente ; and that they governed rather by 
gevinge oute of greate rumors of power and by secre- 
cie, then by any greate force which they had in deede ; 
so the like is to be proved of the Kinge of Spaine in 
his West Indies ; ffor he beinge in those partes ex- 
cedinge weake hath nothinge such nombers of people 
there as is geven oute, neither doe his domynions 
stretche so far as by the ignoraunte ys ymagined; 
which hereby easely may appere, seinge he hath no 
one towne or forte in actuall possession in all Nova 
Hispania to the northe of the Tropick of Cancer, 
which standeth in 23. degrees and an halfe, excepte 
the towne of St. Helen and one or twoo small fortes 
in Florida ; ffor as it is in the mappe of Culiacan, sett 
oute twoo yeres paste with all diligence by Ortelius, 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 61 

Saincte IMichael ys the furthest towne nothwarde on 
the backside of America, and Panuco and Villa 
Sancti Jacobi are the moste northerly colonies upon 
the Bay of Mexico that the Spaniardes inhabite ; as 
the aforesaide Ortelius witnesseth in his mapp of 
those partes sett oute this presente yere, 1584 ; which 
three townes above named are under or within the 
Tropicke of Cancer. And so the Kinge of Spaine 
hath no footinge beyonde the said tropicke ; which is 
contrary to the opinion of the vulgar sorte, which 
ymagine, and by some are borne in hande, that all is 
his from the equinoctiall as farr as the lande stretch- 
eth towardes the pooles. 

Againe, that parte from the equinoctiall to the 
southe ys not inhabited by the Spaniarde any further 
then unto the Tropicke of Capricorne, as ys to be 
scene by the mappe of Peru this presente yere, 1584. 
published by Ortelius ; neither is it peopled by the 
Spaniardes to any purpose savinge onely alonge the 
sea coaste. And howe weake they are there, and 
what simple shippinge they have, and howe daily 
they be afflicted by the inhabitauntes. Sir Fraunces 
Drake can tell, and the letters by him intercepted doe 
declare. One Peter Benzo de Millano, which was 
fourtene yeres in those partes, writeth, that they 
holde greate townes, some with tenne, some with sixe, 
some with foure, and some with twoo souldiers, and 
that they comaunded that all the Italians, whome they 
called Levantines in contempte, shoulde departe those 
contries, fearinge they shoulde reveale their nakednes 
to the worlde, and encourage others to sett in foot- 
inge there. 



62 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

Seinge then they suffer no people of Europe to in- 
habite there savinge onely Spaniardes, any reasonable 
man that knoweth the barenes, desolation, and wante 
of men in Spaine, together with these eightene yeres 
civill warres that hath wasted so many thousandes of 
them in the Lowe Gentries, muste nodes confesse 
that they have very simple forces there. The prov- 
inces which he holdeth are indeede many, yet more 
denuded than ever was any empire since the creation 
of the worlde. Some of his contries are dispeopled, 
some barren, some so far asonder, also helde by ty- 
ranie, that in deede upon the due consideration of the 
matter, his mighte and greatenes is not suche as prima 
facie yt may seme to be. And weare yt not that he 
doth possesse suche a masse of treasure oute of the 
Indies, the Frenche kinge, of one onely kingdome, 
with his onely people of Fraunce, were able to drive 
him oute of all his domynions that he hath in the 
worlde. 
The example It is Written that Antigonus, beinge to fighte 
againste certaine of his enemyes, they appered a farr 
of to be so huge and mightie, that his souldiers were 
halfe afraied to encounter them ; but, beinge incour- 
aged by his valour, they easely overthrewe them in a 
confiicte; whereof he stripped one or twoo, which, 
beinge turned oute of their bombasted and large 
apparell, were in deede but very weakelinges and 
shrimpes ; which, when he had shewed unto his soul- 
diers, they were ashamed of themselves that ever 
they had bene afraied of suche wretches. So when 
wee shall have looked and narrowly pried into the 



of Antigonus. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 63 

Spanishe forces in America, wee shalbe doubtles 
ashamed of ourselves, that wee have all this while 
bene afraied of those dissemblinge and feble scan 
Crowes. 

This which I say concerninge the weakenes of the 
Spaniardes in America may more easelie appere by 
this note followinge, gathered by an excellent Frenche 
capitaine moste experte and privie to the state and 
force of the islandes, havens, townes, and fortes of all 
that parte of America which lieth upon our ocean ; 
which excedinge large coaste beinge so rarely and 
simply manned and fortified, wee may well assure our- 
selves that the inlande is moche more weake and 
unmanned. 



64 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. IX. ®|)c names of the riche townes lienge alonge the sea coaste on the 
north side from the equinoctiall of the mayne lande of 
America under the Kinge of Spaine. 

1. <ButX againste the ilande of Margarita there is 
a towne called Cumana, wherein is greate store of 
perle. There be divers boates belonginge to the 
towne, which onely dragge peiies. This towne is the 
farthest eastwarde which the kinge hath on the north 
side of India. It is environed with their enemyes, 
viz., the Indyans and Caribes. The victualls come 
from this towne to Margarita. 

2. The next towne westwarde is Carakas, which is 
very riche of golde. This towne standeth upon the 
sea, and hath some victualls, but not plentie, and is 
environed likewise with the Indians, their mortall 
enemyes. 

3. The towne Burborowate was destroyed by 50. 
Frenchemen, and the treasure taken awaye. 

4. The nexte towne to the westwarde is called 
Coro, which hath greate plentie of golde and victualls. 
This standeth upon the sea. This is a civill contrie, 
and some of the Indians broughte to a civill gov- 
ernemente. 

5. At Rio de Hacha there is a towne called Hacha, 
where is greate store of perle and silver, but no golde ; 
and not farr from thence there is a perle house. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 65 

There is plentie of victualls, the contiie cWill, and 
some of the Indians at the Spaniardes comaunde- 
ment. Mr. John Hawkins told me he won this 
towne, and was master of yt three daies, in his laste 
voyadge. 

6. Further westwarde is a towne called StaMaren, 
alias Marta, where is greate store of golde, but little 
^dctualls. This is envyroned with Indians, enemies 
to the Spaniardes. 

7. The nexte to"wne is Carthagena, where is greate 
store of silver, golde, and precious stone. This towne 
hath a nomber of Indians and Symerons to their ene- 
myes. There is also greate store of victualls. 

8. The nexte towne thereunto is Nombro di Dies. 
To this towne cometh all the golde, perle, stone, and 
Jewells that cometh from Chile, Peru, and Panama 
oute of the Southe Sea. To this towne cometh halfe 
the fleete, which taketh in halfe their treasure, and 
goeth to Havana, and so throughe the Gulfe of Ba- 
hama unto the Ilandes of Corvo, Flores, and the 
Azores, and from thence into Spaine. This towne 
hath no victualls but suche as cometh from Panama 
and the ilandes by sea. By this towne is a gulfe 
called Gulnata, where the Symerons and Indians have 
certaine townes, and kepe warres dayly with the 
Spaniardes as well as the Indians. At the southende 
of the gulfe there is not paste five legues over lande 
into the South Sea. 

9. The nexte towne is called Vraga, alias Var, 
w^here is moche golde and small store of victualls. 
This is a civill contrie nere to the towne ; the nexte is 
Nicaragua. 



66 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

10. At Nicaragua is moclie golde that cometh 
oute of the Southe Sea, and there is the place where 
they make their frigotts. There ys little victiialls ; 
the people are civill. 

11. In the Bay of Hondoras is a towne called Hon- 
doras, alias Tres Islas, where is golde and hides and 
greate store of victualls. This towne stand eth upon 
an hill very strongly, and is but simply manned. This 
towne hath within a mile greate plentie of Indians, 
which are at warr with the Spaniardes. 

12. Then is there a towne called Porto de Caval- 
los, where is store of silver, stones, perles, and Jewells 
made and sett with precious stones and perles. To 
this towne come yerely twoo shippes, that goe from 
thence to the Havana, and so into Spaine with all their 
riches. This towne is full of victualls. This porta 
of Cavallos adjoyneth to the Gulfe Dowse. 

13. All the Bay of Mexico is full of Indian townes 
and full of victualls. There is one towne named 
Vera Crux, to which towne cometh all their treasure 
from the citie of Mexico, and from thence to the porte 
of St. John de Vlloa, from thence to Havana, and so 
into Spayne. 

FLORIDA. 

Jn Florida the Spaniardes have one towne, called 
Sancta Helena, where they have perles, silver, and 
greate store of victualls. The Floridians be a gentle 
sorte of people, and use somtymes to heade their 
arrowes with silver. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 67 

There is one principall place called Eio de Jordan, 
alias Kio de Maio, where, in an iland, standeth a forte 
which was E,ibaults ; which river ronneth throughe the 
lande into the Southe Sea, from whence greate plentie 
of treasure is broughte thither. There are small 
pynnesses that use the same river. It is also thoughte 
that shippes come from Cathaio to the southwest ende 
of the said river. This is very full of victualls. 
There was by Peter Melanda a river cutt from the a speciaii 

note of a pas- 

Citie of Mexico to Rio de Maio, so that moche treasure sage, 
is broughte from thence to this forte with small pyn- 
nesses. 

All that parte of America eastwarde from Cumana 
unto the River of St. Augustine in Bresill, conteyneth 
in length alongest to the sea side xxj. C. miles, in 
whiche compasse and track there is neither Spaniarde, 
Portingale, nor any Christian man, but onely the 
Caribes, Indians, and saluages. In which places is 
greate plentie of golde, perle, and precious stones. 

On the coaste of Bresill is one goodly ile called 
Trinidada, conteyninge C. xx*^ miles in lengthe, and 
Ixxv. miles in bredthe, and is onely inhabited by 
gentle Indians and savages borne in the said ilande. 
In this ilande is greate plentie of maiz, venison, fishe, 
wooddes, and grasse, with divers faire frutes and other 
comodities. Yt hath also divers goodly havens to 
harborowe yn, and greate stoare of tymber for build- 
inge of shippes. With the kinge of this ilande wee TheFrenche. 
are in league. 



68 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. X. ^ hxcfc declaration of the cbefe ilandes in the Baye of Mexico, 
beinge under the Kinge of Spaine, with their havens and 
fortes, and what comodities they yelde. 

Wi}tXt ys one ilande, as the fleete cometh into the 
baye, named Margarita, wherein is greate store of 
perle ; a riche ilande full of raaiz (which is their corne), 
oxen, shepe, goates, fowle and fishe, greate store of 
frutes, grasse and woods. 

Oner againste the said iland, northewarde, there is 
one other iland named St. John de Porto Ricco, which 
hath store of all manner of victualls and suger. 

The nexte is a faire iland called Hispaniola, in some 
parte well inhabited ; havinge one citie called Sancto 
Domingo, which hath a faire haven whereunto many 
of the shippes of the Kinges fleete come, and there 
devide themselves. Some goe to St. John de Leu, 
and some to Nombro di Dies and other partes of the 
mayne lande. This is a frutefuU iland for all manner 
of victuall, hides and suger. 

The nexte ilande is called Jamaica, and hath in it 
greate store of victualls. 

The nexte is a faire, greate, and longe iland, called 
Cuba. This iland hath a forte and haven in it called 
the Havana, which is the key of all India. It is called 
the key of India, for that the Spaniardes cannot well 
returne into Spaine but that they muste touche there 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 69 

for victualls, water, woodde, and other necessaries. 
It lieth at the mouthe and entraunce into the Gulfe of 
Bahama. This ilande hath greate plentie of "victualls, 
but it is not greately inhabited. 

There be divers other ilandes, riche for victualls, 
as Aeriaba, Corsal, Marigalante, &c., havinge not in 
them some xx. some x. Spaniardes a pece. 

Thus you see that in all those infinite ilandes in the 
Gulfe of Mexico, whereof Cuba and Hispaniola are 
thoughte to be very nere as bigge as England and 
Ireland, wee reade not of past twoo or three places 
well fortified, as St. Sancto Domingo in Hispaniola, 
and Havana in Cuba. I may therefore conclude this 
matter with comparinge the Spaniardes unto a drone, 
or an emptie vessell, which when it is smitten upon 
yeldeth a greate and terrible sounde, and that afarr of ; 
but come nere and looke into them, there ys nothinge 
in them ; or rather like unto the asse which wrapte 
himselfe in a lyons skynne, and marched farr of to 
strike terror into the hartes of the other beastes, but 
when the foxe drewe nere he perceaved his longe 
eares, and made him a jeste unto all the beastes of 
the forrest. In like manner wee (upon perill of my 
life) shall make the Spaniarde ridiculous to all 
Europe, if with percinge eyes wee see into his con- 
temptible weakenes in the West Indies, and with true 
stile painte hym oute ad vivum unto the worlde in his 
fainte colours. 

And if any man woulde objecte, that if by his weake- 
nes he had loste the treasure of the West Indies, yet 
the riches of the Easte Indies woulde holde upp his 



70 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

heade ; I answer, that those contries beinge so farr 
of, and suche naturall maUce beinge betvveene the 
Portingale and the Spaniarde, as greater cannot be, 
that it is not possible for him to holde those partes 
no more than the other, wantinge the treasure of the 
West Indies to supporte his garrisons both there and 
in Christendome againste his manifolde and mightie 
enemyes. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 71 



gtljOt the Spaniardes have exercised moste outragious and more Cap. XL 
then Turkishe cruelties in all the "West Indies, whereby 
they are every where there become moste odious unto them, 
whoe woulde joyue with us or any other moste williuglye 
to shake of their moste intollerable yoke, and have begonne 
to doe yt already in divers places where they were lordes 
heretofore. 

$0 mang and so monstrous have bene the Span- 
ishe cruelties, suche straunge slaughters and murders 
of those peaceable, lowly, milde, and gentle people, 
together with the spoiles of townes, provinces, and 
kingdomes, which have bene moste ungodly perpe- 
trated in the West Indies, as also divers others no 
lesse terrible matters, that to describe the leaste parte 
of them woulde require more then one chapiter, 
especially where there are whole bookes extant in 
printe, not onely of straungers, but also even of their 
owne contrymen (as of Bartholmewe de las Casas, a 
bisshoppe in Nova Spania) ; yea suche and so pass- 
inge straunge and excedinge all humanitie and mod- 
eration have they bene, that the very rehersall of 
them drave divers of the cruel Spanishe, which had 
not bene in the West Indies, into a kinde of extasye 
and maze, so that the sayenge of the poet mighte 
therein well be verified : — 

Quis taUa fando, 
Myrmidonum Dolopuraue aut duri miles Vhssis, 
Temperet a lachrlmis ? 



72 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

Nevertheless I will repeate oute of that mightie 
masse and huge heape of massacres some fewe, that 
of them you may make an estymate of the rest, and 
consider what cause the small remainder of those 
moste afflicted Indians have to revoke from the obe- 
dience of the Spaniardes, and to shake of from their 
shoulders the moste intollerable and insupportable 
yoke of Spaine, which in many places they have 
already begonne to do of themselves, withoute the 
helpe of any Christian piynce. 

This being* so, I leave i\ to the depeVonsideration 
otXthe wise, wiat greate matters may \e broughte 
aboVte by our Ration, if li^r Majestic Vbeinge a 
migh\ie prince at 3^a) woulde ]\t in a footV in that 
enterp^se, and asskte the revoJted Indians ,\Syme- 
rons, an^ Chichimici^»after one oi\twoo yeres jsjlant- 
ing-e theiV, and 2:row\io:e into ac\uaintaunce \nd 
familiaritie \vith those opjoressed nations. 

Nowe because these moste outeragious and infinite 
massacres are put downe by Don Bartholmewe de las 
Casas, the bisshoppe above mentioned, and dedicated 
to Kinge Phillippe that nowe ys, which author testi- 
fieth that to his inspeakeable grefe he was an eye wit- 
nesse of many of them, therefore it semeth best unto 
me to bringe him in, which in his firste chapiter de- 
scribeth the same in manner followinge : — 

Upon these lambes (meaninge the Indians), so 
meke, so qualified and endewed of their Maker and 
Creator, as hath bene said, entred the Spanishe, 
incontinent, as they knew them, as wolves, as lyons, 
and as tigres moste cruell, of longe tyme famished ; 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 73 

and have not don in those quarters these forty yeres 
be paste, neither yet doe at this presente, oughte els 
then teare them in peces, kill them, martir them, 
afflicte them, tormente them, and destroye them by 
straunge sortes of cruelties, never either seene or 
reade or hearde of the like (of the which wsome shal- 
be sett downe hereafter) ; so farr forthe as of above 
three millions of soules that were in the He of His- 
paniola, and that wee have seene there, there are not 
nowe twoo hundreth natives of the contrie. The He 
of Cuba, which is as farr in lengthe as from Valla- 
dolid untill Rome, ys at this day, as it were, all 
waste. St. John's He, and that of Jammaica, bothe 
of them very greate, very fertile, and very faire, are 
desolate. Likewise the lies of Lucayos nere to the 
He of Hispaniola, and of the north side unto that of 
Cuba, in nomber beinge above three score ilandes, 
together with those which they call the Isles of 
Geant, one with another greate and little, whereof 
the very worste is fertiler then the kinges garden at 
Civill, and the contrie the helthsomest in the worlde. 
There were in some of these isles more then five 
hundred thousande soules, and at this day there is 
not one only creature ; for they have bene all of them 
slaine, after that they had drawen them oute to labor 
in their myneralls in the He of Hispaniola, where 
there were no more lefte of the inborne natives of 
that iland. A shippe ridinge for the space of three 
yeres betwixte all these ilandes, to the ende that after 
the wyninge of this kinde of vintage to gleane and 
cull the remainder of these folke (for there was a 

10 



74 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

goodd Christian moved with pitie and compassion to 
converte and wynne unto Christe suche as mighte 
be founde), there were not found but eleven persons, 
which I sawe. Other iles, more then thirtie, nere to 
the He of St. John, have likewise bene dispeopled 
and massacred. All those iles conteyne above twoo 
thousande leagues of lande, and are all dispeopled 
and laid waste. 

As touchinge the mayne firme lande, wee are 
certaine that our Spaniardes, by their cruelties and 
cursed doinges, have dispeopled and made desolate 
more then tenne realmes greater then all Spaine, 
comprisinge therein also Arragon and Portingale ; 
and twise as moche or more lande then there is from 
Civill to Jerusalem, which are above a thousand 
leagues ; which realmes as yet, unto this presente day, 
remaine in a wildernes and utter desolation, havinge 
bene before time as well peopled as was possible. 

We are able to yelde a goodd and perfecte ac- 
compte, that there is, within the space of forty yeres, 
by these said tyranies and develishe doinges of the 
Spaniardes, don to deathe unjustly and tyranously 
more then twelve millions of soules, men, women, 
and children. And I verely doe beleive, and thinke 
I doe not mistake therein, there are deade more 
then fiftene millions of soules. 

Thus havinge hearde of the multitudes of soules 
slayne, you shall heare the manner of their 
slaughter. 

In the chapiter of Hispaniola it thus followeth : — 

Nowe after sondry other forces, violences, and 



■WESTERNE PLANTING. 75 

tormentes which they wroughte againste them, the 
Indians perceaved that those were no men descended 
from heaven. Some of them, therefore, hidd their 
victualls, others hidd their wives and their children. 
Some other fledd into the mountaines to seperate 
themselves afarr of from a nation of so harde natured 
and ghastly conversation. The Spaniardes buffeted 
them with their fistes and bastianadoes, pressinge 
also to lay their handes on the lordes of the townes. 
And these cases ended in so greate an hazarde and 
desperatnes, that a Spanishe capitaine durste adven- 
ture to ravishe forcibly the wife of the greatest kinge 
and lorde of this ile. Since which time the Indians 
began to searche meanes to caste the Spaniardes oute 
of their landes, and sett themselves in arms. But 
what kinde of armes ! Very weake and feble to with- 
stande or resiste, and of lesse defence. Wherefore 
all their warres are no more warres, then the play- 
enge of children when as they playe at jogo de cane 
or reedes. The Spaniardes with their horses, speares, 
and launces, began to comitt murders and straunge 
cruelties. They entred into townes, burroughes, and 
villages, sparinge neither children nor olde men, ney- 
ther women with childe, neither them that laye in ; 
but they ripped their bellies and cutt them in peces, 
as if they had bene openinge of lambes shutt upp in 
their folde. They laied wagers with suche as with 
one thruste of a sworde woulde paunche or bowell a 
man in the middest, or with one blowe of a sworde 
moste readily and moste deliverly cut of his heade, 
or that woulde best perce his entrails at one stroke. 



76 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

They tooke the little soules by the heeles, rampinge 
them from their mothers brestes, and crusshed their 
heades againste the cliftes. Others they caste into 
the rivers, laughinge and mockinge ; and when they 
tombled into the water, they saied : Nowe shifte for 
thy selfe suche a one's corps. They put others, to- 
gether with their mothers, and all that they mett, to 
the edge of the sworde. They made certen gibbetts 
longe and loughe, in such sorte that the feete of the 
hanged one touched in a manner the grounde ; every 
one enoughe for thirtene, in the honour and wor- 
shippe of our Saviour and his twelve apostles (as 
they used to speake), and settinge to fire, burned 
them all quicke that were fastened. Unto all others, 
whome they used to take and reserve alive, cuttinge 
of their twoo handes as nere as mighte be, and so 
lettinge them hange, they saied : Go you with those 
letters to cary tydinges to those which are fled by the 
mountaines. They murdred commonly the lordes and 
nobilitie on this fasshion : they made certen grates of 
perches laid on pitchforkes, and made a little fire 
underneathe, to the intente that by little and little, 
yellinge and despairinge in these tormentes, they 
mighte give up the ghoste. One time I sawe foure 
or five of the principall lordes roasted and broyled 
upon these gredyrons ; also I thinke that there were 
twoo or three of the said gredyrons garnished with 
the like furniture. And for that they cried oute pite- 
ously, whiche thinge troubled the capitaine that he 
coulde not then slope, he comaunded to strangle 
them. The serjeant, which was worse then the 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 77 

hangman, that burned them, (I knowe his name and 
frendes in Civill,) woiilde not have them strangled, 
but hymselfe putting bulletts in their mouthes, to the 
ende they shoulde not crye, put to the fire, until they 
were softly roasted after his desire. I have seene all 
the aforesaide thinges, and others infinite. And foras- 
muche as all the people that coulde flee, hidd them- 
selves in the mountaines and, mounted on the toppes 
of them, fledd from the men, so, withoute all man- 
hodde, emptie of all pietie, behavinge themselves as 
savage beastes, the slaughterers and murderers of 
mankinde, they taughte their houndes, fierce doggs, 
to teare them in peces at the firste viewe ; and, in 
the space that one mighte say a credo, assailed and 
devoured an Indian as if it had bene a swine. These 
doggs wroughte greate destructions and slaughters. 
And forasmoche as somtymes (thoughe seldome) the 
Indian put to death some Spaniardes upon goodd 
righte and lawe of due justice, they made a lavve 
betwene them, that for one Spaniarde they had to 
slaye an hundred Indians. 

And thus farr oute of the large volume of Don Bishop Bar- 

T>ii Ti/-^ ^ • ^ r ^ .. /. tholmewe de 

liartnolmewe de las Lasas, bisshoppe oi the citie of las Casas, an 

eye wytnes 

Chiape in the West Indies, where he lyved many ohhesecruei- 
yeres. 

Will you nowe heare one testymonie of Johannes Johannes 

MetGllus 

Metellus Sequanus, whoe was a Papiste and favoured Sequanus. 
the Spanishe superstition ; yet he writes as followeth 
in the preface of the Historie of Osorius de rebus 
gestis Emanuelis, fol. 16: At vero vt semel intelli- 
gatur quid Indos toties ad res nouas contra Hispanos 



78 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

moliendas, ct seditiones tanta pertinacia fouendas 
impulerit, et quid causse fuerit cur duo ilia Christianas 
Reipublicae summa capita Indicse nation is libertatem, 
frementibus quibusdam et inuitis dubio procul mili- 
tibus Hispanis, sanctissimo suo calculo comprobarint, 
paucis nouorum dominorum in miseros immanitatem, 
deinde quorundam inexplebilem auaritiam, et ex his 
grauiores quosque tumultus, vnde noui orbis pene 
totius nunquam satis deploranda vastitas est sequuta, 
perstringam. 

Principio quidem illud apud plerosque milites His- 
panos, pessimo sane exeraplo, in more positum fuit, 
vti ab oculatis et fide dignis testibus perscriptum est, 
vt seruos suos grauissime punirent, si mercedem diur- 
nam aut non attulissent, aut pensum in auro argentoue 
efFodiendo non absoluissent, aut si quid leuioris denique 
delicti perpetrassent. Etenim vesperi reduces, coenae 
loco, primum vestimentis exuebant, manibus dein pedi- 
busque in transuerso palo reuinciebant : mox chorda 
bubaloue neruo dirissime verberabant. Sic tractates, 
pice oleoue feruenti guttatim perfundebant ; salita post 
aqua corpus abluebant, et in mensa tamdiu relinque- 
bant, quamdiu dolorem ferre posse putarentur. Qui 
mos animaduertendi ipsis etiam in Christianos seruos 
domi familiaris esse dicitur. Post carnificinam huius- 
modi, si durior dominus illis contigerat, viuos in totam 
noctem collo tonus defodiebant, presentissimum illud 
ad plagas remedium esse ludibrio dictitantes. Si quis 
ex illis prae dolore moreretur, id quod non raro accidit, 
dominus singula seruorum capita regi in occisorum lo- 
cum sufRciens, ab homicidij poena liberabatur. Hanc 



"WESTERNE PLANTING. 79 

crudelitatem lege Baionae, quam dicunt, quidem excu- 
sant; sed omnibus impia merito videtur, tanquam 
omnis pietatis expers. Quamobrem diabolicce nomen 
inter Indos iure quidem obtinuit. Ad banc autem im- 
manitatem in miseros Indos excercendam nonnuUos 
ingenita quaedam naturae saeuities, multis iam bellis ex- 
asperata, plerosque habendi sitis, impulit. Hinc His- 
panus miles, quasi ad aucupium aut venationem, sic 
ad prsedas hominum agendas, iam inde ab inuento 
nouo orbe ferri coepit. Aut igitur bello captos in 
seruitutem abripiebat, aut ex eorum mancipio mag- 
nam sibi pecuniee vim conflabat, aut eos ad diurnas 
operas mittebat, quarum mercedem ab ijs quotidie 
perquam importunus exigebat. Fuere qui seruos 
fodinis manciparint, in quibus insolito labore fractee, 
multee seruorum myriades periere. Alij mercibus 
illos permutare soliti sunt, alioue modo distrahere, 
Idque tam inclementer et auare nonnulli fecerunt, 
Vt Christian 86 omnis humanitatis prorsus obliti, e 
continente abreptos vtriusque sexus homines, nulla 
nee setatis nee valetudinis habita ratione, nauibus 
in \icinas insulas transportarent. Eorum non pauci 
qui mari non assueuerant, et in sentinam abdebantur, 
et fame, fcetore, et squallore crudeliter absorpti sunt. 
Quid? quod fseminae complures ex Hispanis graui- 
dte, vna cum innoxio foetu pro ancillis sunt venditae? 
Atque his quidem modis, militum aliqui ad summas 
opes peruenerunt. Alij magnas dignitates domi 
forisque sunt consequuti. Alij rem pecuniariam 
plurimorum damnis sic auxerunt, vt inuenti sint, 
qui octo pecudum millia possiderent. Hanc tam in- 



80 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

signem nostrum hominum iniustitiam atque tyranni- 
dem fieri non potuit, quin magni statim motus et 
bella, tarn ab ipsis inter se, quam ab incolis in illos 
excitata sequerentur. After a longe beade roll of 
moste monstrous cruelties of the Spanishe nation in 
every place of the West Indies moste heynously com- 
mitted, he concludeth yt thus : Tanta ergo fuit His- 
pani militis in India tyrannis, vt ea non solum Indos, 
verum etiam seruorum Maurorum animos ad rebelli- 
onem impulerit. Dicuntur enim in exigua quadam 
insula ad septem millia defecisse. Quos Hispani initio 
secures et incautos facillime trucidassent, nisi suo 
male vigilantiores factos precibus et pacifica legatio- 
ne expugnare potius quam armis frustra tentassent. 
Multi denique fugitiui Mauri in Nominis Dei provin- 
ci9B siluis habitant ; qui inita cum incolis amicitia, 
ferro, flammaque Hispanos vbicunque persequuntur, 
et inuentos frustatim dilacerant. 

This, therefore, I gather of the premisses, that 
those contries whereof the Spaniarde ys lorde are 
partely ruinated, dispeopled, and laid waste by their 
incredible, and more then barbarous, and savage, 
endeles cruelties, and partely grevously infested by 
the Indians, Symerons, Moores, Chichimici revolted ; 
and consequently he is easie to be driven thence, 
and turned out of all with moche lesser force then is 
commonly ymagined : for. Nullum violentum est diu- 
turnum ; et mains diuturnitatis custos est metus. 
The Spanishe And surcly the more I thinke of the Spanishe mon- 
HkrunVthe archic, the more me thinketh it is like the empire of 

monarchy of ii/->, ^ ' ^ iii 

Alexander Alexander the Greate, which grewe upp sooddenly, 

UJ.C IjrFccll'C* 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 81 

and sooddenly upon his deathe was rente and dissolved 

for faulte of lawfull yssue. In like manner the Kinge 

of Spaine, nowe 59.yeres of age, as beinge borne in the 

yere of our Lorde 1526. in the moneth of May, and 

beinge subjecte to the fallinge sicknes, in common 

reason can be of no longe life ; and leavinge no fitt 

yssue to wealde so greate a governemente, and a 

question risinge, whether his younge weake sonne, by 

his sister's daughter, be lawfull heire, they are like 

upon his deathe to fall together by the eares amongest 

themselves ; and then, as men moste odious, not onely 

to the people of the West Indies, but also to all 

Christendome, and all the worlde beside, ys it not 

likely that every province will seke their libertie? 

And, to say the truthe, what nation, I pray you, of all 

Christendome loveth the Spaniarde, the scourge of the 

worlde, but from the teethe forwarde, and for advaun- 

tage? The Italians, which sometime were lordes of 

the earthe, in greate parte nowe broughte under his 

vile yoke, doe many wayes shewe the utter mislike of 

their satanicall arrogancie and insolencies, and in all 

their playes and comedies bringe in the Spanishe 

souldier as a ravisher of virgins and wives, and as the 

boastinge Thraso and miles gloriosus ; notinge to the 

worlde their insupportable luxuriousnes, excessive 

pride, and shamefull vaine glorie. The citie of Rome, 

beinge sackte by Charles the Emperour, the Pope and 

Cardinalls taken and ymprisoned, cannot brooke their 

doinges in their hartes. The Venecians stande daily 

in feare of them, almoste as moche as of the Tiu'ke, 

and doubte that, if they be not with spede restrained, 

11 



82 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

they will inclose them and use them at their pleasure, 
beinge on bothe sides become almoste lordes of the 
mouthe of the Straites of Giberaulter. The Frenche, 
remembringe the takinge of their kinge prisoner, their 
crueltie in Florida, the late overthrowe of Strozzi and 
their fleete, their takinge of Tercera, and other dis- 
graces, hate them for the moste parte worse then 
scorpions. The Princes of Germanic, the Duke of 
Saxonie, the Lantsgrave of Hassia, the Duke of 
Cleve, the Duke Cassimere, have susteyned wronges 
sufficient to make them his mortall enemies. His 
innumerable outrages in the Netherlandes have in- 
forced the Flemynges to those termes which nowe 
they stande at. Their manifolde practises to sup- 
plant us of England give us moste occasion to be- 
thincke ourselves, howe wee may abate and pull downe 
their highe myndes. The poore oppressed prince 
and people of Portingale doe watche nighte and day 
when to finde a convenient occasion of defection. In 
fine, there is almoste no nation of Europe that may 
not say againste the Spaniarde with the poet : Dis- 
tuleratque graues in idonea tempera poenas ; and so, 
Eum multos metuere necesse est quem multi metu- 
unt ; and, Multorum odijs nulla respublica stare diu 
potest. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 83 



g[I)at the passage in this voyadge is easie and shorte, that it cutteth Cap. XII. 
not nere the trade of any other mightie princes, or nere 
their contries, that it is to be perfourmed at all times of the 
yere, and nedeth but one kinde of winde ; that Ireland, 
beinge full of goodd havens on the southe and weste side, is 
the nerest parte of Europe to yt, which by this trade shalbe 
in more securitie, and the sooner dravven to more civilitie. 

In tIjtS voyadge wee may see by the globe that 
wee are not to passe the burnte zone, nor to passe 
throughe the frozen seas, but in a temperate chmate 
unto a contrie muche like to those partes of Gascoigne 
and Guy en, where heretofore our nation for a longe 
tyme have inhabited. And it requireth not, as longe 
voyadges doe, the takinge in of freshe water by the 
way in divers places, by reason it may be sailed in 
five or sixe weekes. Whereby the marchante nede 
[not] to expecte twoo or three yeres for one returne, 
as in the voyadge of Sir Fraunces Drake, of Fen- 
ton and William Hawkins ; but may receave twoo 
returnes every yere in the selfe same shippes, I saye, 
and well repose themselves at their arryvalls ; which 
thinge I myselfe have scene and understoode in 
Ffraunce this presente yere don by the Frenchemen ; 
whoe, settinge furthe in January, broughte their banke 
fishe which they tooke on the Bancke, forty or three- 
score leagues from Newfoundelande, to Roan, in greate 
quantitie, by the ende of May, and afterwarde returned 
this yere againe to the fisshinge, and are looked for at 



84 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

home towardes the fifte of November. To the spedy 
perfourmaunce of which voyadge this is a speciall fur- 
theraunce : that whereas moste of our other voyadges 
of like lengthe require twoo or three sortes of windes 
at the leaste, one onely winde suffiseth to make this ; 
which was no doubte the cause of the quicke returne 
of my frende Stephen Bellinger of Koan, whoe departed 
from Newhaven in January was twelve monethes, ar- 
ryved at Cape Briton in xx" daies space, and from 
thence discouered very diligently CC. leagues to- 
wardes Norumbega, and had traficque with the people 
in tenne or twelue places ; founde a towne conteyn- 
inge fourescore houses, and returned home, with a 
diligent description of the coaste, in the space of 
foure monethes, with many comodities of the contrie, 
which he shewed me. 

Moreover this passage is neither by the Straites of 
Giberaulter, nor on the coastes of Spaine, Portingall, 
Fraunce, nor Flanders, neither by the Sounde of 
Denmarke, nor Wardhouse in Norwey ; so as in 
takinge our course on the highe seas wee shall not 
be in daunger of the corsaries in the Levant, nor of 
the gallies of Barbaric, nor of the Turke, nor of any 
state of Italic, neither of the Spaniarde, the Frenche, 
nor the Dane, nor of any other prince nor potentate 
within the Sounde in the northe, or in the northeaste 
partes of the worlde. 

Wee may also travell thither and perfourme the 
same at all times of the yere, with the like facilitie as 
our marchantes of Bristowe, Weymouthe, and other 
partes of the West Contries travell for woade to the 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 85 

lies of St. Mighell and Tercera (which are halfe the 
way thither) all the yere longe. For this coaste is 
never subjecte to the ise, which is never lightly seene 
to the southe of Cape E-azo in Newfounde lande. 

Besides this, in our way as wee passe to and froe, 
wee shall have in tempestes and other necessities the 
portes of Ireland to our aide, and no nerer coaste of 
any enemye. Moreover by the ordinary entercourse 
wee may annoye the enemyes to Ireland, and succour 
the Queens Majesties faithfull subjects, and drawe 
the Irishe by little and little to more civilitie ; and in 
shorte tyme wee may yelde them from the coastes of 
America whatsoever comodities they no we receave at 
the handes of the Spaniardes. So the Spaniardes shall 
wante the ordynarye victualls they receave every yere 
from thence, whereby they cannot contynue traficque, 
nor fall so aptly to practize againste our governemente 
there as heretofore by their trade thither they have 
don and doe daily, to the greate expences of her 
Majestic, and no small indaungeringe and troublinge 
of our state. 

And to conclude : in tradinge to these contries wee 
shall not nede, for feare of the Spanishe bloudy 
Inquisition, to throwe our bibles and prayer bookes 
over boorde into the sea before our arryvall at their 
portes, as these many yeres wee have don and yet doe, 
nor take suche horrible oathes as are exacted of our 
men by the Spanishe searchers, to suche dayly wilfull 
and highe offence of Almightie God, as we are driven 
to continually in followinge our ordinary trafficque 
into the Kinge of Spaines domynions ; whereof at large 
wee have spoken before in the seconde chapiter. 



86 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. XIII. (2ri)at hereby the revenewes and customes of her Majestie, bothe 
outewarde and inwarde, shall raightely be inlarged by the 
toll, excises, and other dueties which withoute oppression 
may be raysed. 

^Ije manifolde testimonies, verbatim alleaged by me 
in tbe thirde chapiter, of John Ribault, John Verar- 
sanus, Stephen Gomes, Vasques de Coronado, Jaques 
Cartier, Gasper Corterialis, and others, which all were 
the discoverers of the coaste and inland of America 
betwene 30 and 63 degrees, prove infallibly unto us 
that golde, silver, copper, perles, pretious stones, and 
turqueses, and emraldes, and many other commodities, 
have bene by them founde in those regions. To 
which testimonies I shoulde have added many more 
yf I had not feared to be tedious. Nowe the fyfte 
parte of all these aforenamed comodities cannot choose 
but amounte to a greate matter, beinge yerely reserved 
unto her Majestie, accordinge to the tenor of the 
patent graunted by King Henry the Seaventh in the 
xj*.^ yere of his raigne to John Gabote and his three 
sonnes, Lewes, Sebastian, and Sancius ; the wordes 
whereof it shoulde not be amisse here to sett downe, as 
they are printed in my booke of voyadges. These are 
the wordes : Ex omnibus fructibus, proficuis,' emolu- 
mentis, commodis, lucris, et obuentionibus ex huius- 
modi nauigatione prouenientibus, prefatus J6annes et 
filij ac heredes et eorum deputati teneantur, et sint 
obligati nobis pro omni viagio suo, toties quoties ad 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 87 

portum nostrum BristoUise applicuerint (ad quern 
omnino applicare teneantur et sint astricti), deductis 
omnibus sumptibus et impensis necessary's per eos- 
dem factis, quintam partem capitalis lucri facti, siue 
in mercibus, siue in pecuniis, persoluere. 

What gaines this imposition may turne unto the 
Crowne of England in shorte tyme wee may more 
then gesse, havinge but an eye to the Kinge of Spaines 
revenewes, which he nowe hath oute of all his do- 
mynions in all the West Indies. 

The like in all respectes may be saied of the 
revenewes of the Crowne of Portingale, which, beinge 
of itselfe one of the smallest and poorest kingdomes 
of all Christendome, became in shorte space so riche 
and honourable soone after their entringe into their 
southesterne discoveries, traficques, and conquestes, 
that, before the deathe of their late younge kinge 
Sebastian, their embassadors woulde strive and chal- 
enge for the chefest place with the embassadores of 
the greatest kinges of Christendome ; as I have 
hearde it dyvers tymes spoken at Paris at my lordes 
table by men of greate honour and experience, in 
which citie moste princes and states of Christendome 
have their embassadors comonly resident. 

To leave them and to come to our nation, I say 
that amonge other meanes to encrease her Majesties 
customes this shalbe one, especially that by plant- 
inge and fortifieinge nere Cape Briton, what by the 
strengthe of our shipps beinge harde at hande, and 
bearinge the sway already amongest all nations that 
fishe at Newfoundelande, and what by the fortes that 



88 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

there may be erected and helde by our people, wee 
shall be able to inforce them, havinge no place els to 
repaire unto so convenient, to pay us suche a contynual 
* custome as shall please us to lay upon them ; which 
imposition of twoo or three hundred shippes laden 
yerely with sondry sortes of fishe, trane oyle, and 
many kyndes of furres and hides, cannot choose but 
amounte to a greate matter, beinge all to be levied 
upon straungers. And this not onely wee may exacte 
of the Spaniardes and Portingales, but also of the 
Frenche men, our olde and auncient enemyes. What 
shoulde T speake of the customes of the greate mul- 
titudes of course clothes, Welshe frise, and Irishe 
ruggs, that may be uttered in the more northerly partes 
of the lande amonge the Esquimawes of the Grande 
Bay, and amonge them of Canada, Saguynay, and Ho- 
chelaga, which are subjecte to sharpe and nippinge 
winters, albeit their somers be hotter moche then 
oures. Againe, the multitudes of small yron and 
copper workes, wherewith they are exceedingly de- 
lighted, will not a little encrease the customes, beinge 
transported oute of the lande. I omitt the rehersall 
of a thousande other triflinge wares, which, besides 
they may sett many women, children, and ympotent 
persons on worke in makinge of them, woulde also 
helpe to the encreasinge of the customes. Lastly, 
whatsoever kind of commodyties shoulde be broughte 
from thence by her Majesties subjectes into the realme, 
or be thither transported oute of the realme, cannot 
choose but inlarge the revenewes of the Crowne 
very mightely, and inriche all sortes of subjectes in 
generally. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 89 



QH)ai this action will be for the greate increase, mavneteynaunce, and Cap. XIV. 
safetie of our navie, and especially of greate shippinge, which 
is the strengthe of our realme, and for the supportation of 
all those occupations that depende upon the same. 

3In t\}Z Statutes moste providently ordeyned for 
increase and maineteynaunce of our navigation in 
the raignes of Kinge Richarde the Seconde, Kinge 
Henry the Seaventh, Kinge Henry the Eighth, and 
her Majestie that no we ys, thoughe many and sondry 
rewardes were proposed to incourage our people 
unto the sea, yet still I fynde complaintes of decaye of 
the navye, notwithstandinge so many goodly privi- 
ledges to mayneteine fisshermen, the ordeyninge of 
Wendisday to be a newe fishe day for the better utter- 
aunce of their fishe that they shoulde take at sea, yea, 
albeit there hath bene graunted a certen proportionable 
allowaunce oute of the exchequer to suche as woulde 
builde any shippes of burden to serve the prince in 
tyme of warr, yet very little hath bene done in that 
behalfe. For, settinge the Citie of London aparte, 
goe your way into the west parte of England and 
Wales, and searche howe many shippes of CC. tonnes 
and upwardes those partes can afforde, and you shall 
finde (God wotteth) no such nomber as at the firste 
you did ymagine. At this day I am assured there 
are scarce twoo of CC. tonnes belonginge to the whole 

12 



90 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

citie of Bristowe, and very fewe or none of the like 
burden alonge the channell of Severne from Gloces- 
ter to the Landes Ende on the one side, and Milforde 
Haven on the other. Nowe, to remedie this greate 
and unknowen wante, no enterprise possibly can be 
devised more fitt to increase our greate shippinge 
then this Westerne fortifienge and planting. For in 
this action wee are not to cutt over the narrowe seas, 
in a day or a nighte, betwene Flaunders, Fraunce, or 
Ireland, in small barkes of xx. or xxx*.' tonnes ; but 
wee are to passe over the breste of the maine ocean, 
and to lye at sea a moneth or six weekes together, 
whereby wee shall be constrayned of our selves, 
withoute chardginge of the Prince, to builde greate 
shippes, as well to avoide the daunger of tempest as 
also for the commoditie of portage, whereunto the 
greater shippes in longe voyadges are moste conven- 
iente, which the Portingales and Spaniardes have 
founde oute by longe experience, whoe for that 
cause builde shippes of v. vj. vij. viij. C. and a M. 
tonnes, to sende into their Easterne and Westerne 
Indies. 

The like whereof wee shalbe the rather invited to 
doe, since by this voyadge wee shall have many thinges 
for little or nothinge, that are necessarie for the fur- 
niture of greate shippinge. For beinge possessed of 
Newfounde lande, which the laste yere was seazed 
upon in her Majesties name, wee may have tarr, 
rosen, mastes, and cordage for the very workeman- 
shippe of the same. All which comodities cannot 
choose but wonderfully invite our men to the build- 



WESTERNS PLANTING. 91 

inge of greate shippinge, especially havinge store of 
the best shipwrights of the worlde, whereof some, for 
wante of employmente at home, have bene driven to 
fiye into forren partes, as into Denmarke. Moreover, 
in the judgemente of those that are experte in sea 
causes, yt will breede more skilfull, connynge, and 
stowte pilotts and maryners then other belonginge to 
this lande. For it is the longe voyadges (so they be 
not to excessive longe, nor throughe intemperate cly- 
mates, as those of the Portingales into their West 
Indies) that harden seamen, and open unto them the 
secretes of navigation ; the natures of the windes ; the 
currentes and settinge of the sea ; the ebbinge and 
flowinge of the mayne ocean ; the influence of the 
Sonne, the moone, and of the rest of the celestiall 
planetts, and force which they have at sondry seasons 
upon that mightie body : whiche skill in sea causes 
the Emperour Charles the Fyfte, knowinge ho we 
moche yt did ymporte his state, to the intente it 
mighte better encrease amongest the Spaniardes, in 
create providence erected a lecture of the arte of a lecture of 

o ^ the arte of 

navigation in Civill, and ordeyned that no man navigation. 
shoulde take chardge to the West Indies that had not 
hearde the Reader of the same for a certaine space, 
and, upon due examynation, were allowed as suffi- 
cient by him, and others adjoyned unto him as assist- 
antes to examyn matters of experience ; which 
order, if it had bene established in England, such 
grosse and insufficient felowes as he that caste awaye 
the Admirall of Sir Humfryes company, with an C. 
persons in her, to the west of Newfounde lande, this 



92 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

tyme twelve moneths, had not bene admitted to take 
so greate a chardge. 

But to returne to the increase and mayneteynaunce 
of our shippes and shippmen ; I say this is not as the 
voyadge to Muscovy, which is open not paste foure 
monethes, but may be passed and repassed at our 
pleasure at all tymes of the yere, and so our maryners 
may be sett on worke all the yere longe. Neither is 
the trade likely to prove so small as that of Muscovy, 
wherein not past tenne shippes at the moste are 
employed ones a yere. For here there is a greate 
hope, the contrie beinge as bigge as all Europe, and 
nothinge in frutefulnes inferior to yt, as I have proved 
before at large in the thirde chapiter, that wee shall 
have twoo fleetes as bigge as those of the Kinge of 
Spaine to his West Indies, imployed twise in the yere 
at the leaste, especially after our fortifieng in the 
contrie, the certen place of our factory beinge there 
established ; whereby yt muste nodes come to passe 
that our navye shalbe mightely increased and mayne- 
teyned, which will not onely be a chefe strengthe 
and suertie in tyme of warres, as well to offende as 
defende, but will also be the mayneteynaunce of 
many masters, maryners, and seamen, whereby they, 
their wyves and children, shall have their lyvinges, 
and many cities, townes, villages, havens, and creekes 
nere adjoyninge unto the sea coaste. and the Queenes 
subjectes, as brewers, bowchers, smithes, ropers, ship- 
wrights, tailors, shoemakers, and other victuallers 
and handicraftes men, inhabitinge and dwellinge nere 
thereaboutes, shall also have by the same greate parte 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 93 

of their lyvinge. For proofe hereof wee nede not 
to seeke any further then unto our neighboures of 
Spaine and Portingale ; whoe, since the tirste discov- 
erie of their Indies, have not onely mightely inlarged 
their dominions, marveilously inriched themselves 
and their subjectes, but have also by juste accompte 
trebled the nomber of their shippes, masters, and 
maryners, — a matter of no small momente and im- 
portance ; insomoche that nowe, of late, Kinge Phil- 
lippe hath made the Marques de la Cruz, which laste Marques de 
yere wonne Tercera, Graunde Admirall of the Ocean myraiiofthe 

Ocean. 

Sea, and Prince d' Oria of Genoa, Admirall in the 
Levant. A taste of this increase wee have had in 
our owne selves, even by our trade of iisshinge in 
Newfoundelande ; which, as yt is well knowen, hath 
bene occasion, that in sondry places of this realme 
divers tall shippes have bene builte and sett furthe 
even of late dales ; and more woulde be if, whereas 
nowe havinge but twoo moneths or tenne weekes 
of fisshinge, by this newe plantinge they mighte be 
drawen more south-westerly, where the speciall fissh- 
inge places are, bothe for plentie and greateness of 
fishe ; and beinge oute of daunger and ympedimente 
of yse, they mighte fishe there safely the greatest 
parte of the yere, and by their nerenes unto our fortes 
there, builte aboute Cape Briton, they mighte yelde 
succour unto them, and likewise by their neighbour- 
hoode be themselves in more securitie. 

Fynally, their shippes, their goodds, and their Ameaneto 

avoide the 

persons shoulde not be subjecte to soodden arrestes sodden ar- 

■^ *' rests of our 

of straungers, as they are in all other trades of J^^vy. 



94 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

Christendome ; but shoulde enjoye as greate free- 
dome, libertie, and securitie as they usually doe in 
their native contrie ; the havens, townes, and villages 
in those partes beinge occupied and possessed by 
their fellowe subjects ; which freedome and liberty 
will greatly incourage them to contynevve constantly 
in this newe traficque. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 




®|)at spedie plantinge in divers fitt places is moste necessarie upon Cap. XV. 
these laste luckye westerne discoveries, for feare of the 
danger of beinge prevented by other nations which have 
the like intention, with the order thereof, and other reasons 
therewithall alleaged. 

l^abtngC by Gods goodd guidinge and mercifull 
direction atchieved happily this presente westerne dis- 
coverye, after the seekinge the advauncement of the 
kingedome of Christe, the seconde chefe and princi- 
pal! ende of the same is traficque, which consisteth 
in the vent of the masse of our clothes and other 
comodities of England, and in receaving backe of the 
nedefull comodities that wee nowe receave from all 
other places of the worlde. But forasmoche as this 
is a matter of greate ymportaunce, and a thinge of 
so greate gaine as forren princes will stomacke at, 
this one thinge is to be don, withoute which it were 
in vaine to goe aboute this ; and that is, the matter of 
plantinge and fortificacion, withoute due consideracion 
whereof in vaine were it to think of the former. 
And therefore upon the firste said viewe taken by the 
shippes that are to be sente thither, wee are to plante 
upon the mouthes of the greate navigable rivers 
which are there, by stronge order of fortification, 
and there to plante our colonies. And so beinge 
firste setled in strengthe with men, armour, and mu- 



96 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

nition, and havinge our navy within our bayes, havens, 
and roades, wee shall be able to lett the entraunce of 
all subjectes of forren princes, and so with our freshe 
powers to encounter their shippes at the sea, and to 
renewe the same with freshe men, as the soodden 
feightes shall require ; and by our fortes shalbe 
able to holde faste our firste footinge, and readily to 
annoye suche weary power of any other that shall 
soke to arryve ; and shalbe able with our navye to 
sende advertisemente into England upon every sood- 
den whatsoever shall happen. And these fortifications 
shall kepe the naturall people of the contrye in obe- 
dience and goodd order. And these fortes at the 
mowthes of those greate portable and navigable 
ryvers may at all tymes sende upp their shippes, 
barkes, barges, and boates into the inland with all 
the comodities of England, and returne unto the said 
fortes all the comodities of the inlandes that wee 
shall receave in exchange, and thence at pleasure 
convey the same into England. And thus settled in 
those fortes, yf the nexte neighboures shall attempte 
any annoye to our people, wee are kepte safe by 
our fortes ; and wee may, upon violence and wronge 
ofFred by them, ronne upon the rivers with our 
shippes, pynnesses, barkes, and boates, and enter 
into league with the petite princes, their neighboures, 
that have alwayes lightly warres one with an other, 
and so entringe league nowe with the one, and then 
with the other, wee shall purchase our owne safetie, 
and make ourselves lordes of the whole. 

Contrary wise, withoute this plan tinge in due tyme, 



WESTERNE PLANTING.- 97 

wee shall never be able to have full knowledge of the 
language, manners, and customes of the people of 
those regions, neither shall wee be able thoroughly 
to knowe the riches and comodities of the inlandes, 
with many other secretes whereof as yet wee have 
but a small taste. And althoughe by other meanes 
wee mighte attaine to the knowledge thereof, yet 
beinge not there fortified and strongly seated, the 
French that swarme with multitude of people, or 
other nations, mighte secretly fortifie and settle them- 
selves before us, hearinge of the benefite that is to 
be reaped of that voyadge : and so wee shoulde beate 
the bushe and other men take the birdes; wee 
shoulde be at the chardge and travell, and other men 
reape the gaine. 

To make this plaine by example, in the sixte leafe 
of the Italian edition of the Historie of Fernando 
Cortes, written by Franciscus Lopez de Gomera, is 
lively described the folly of John Grijalua for his not 
inhabitinge that goodd and riche contrie of lucaton ; 
which ymmediately after he had neglected, the same 
Fernando Cortes tooke in hande and perfourmed, 
and gott all the honour and comoditie from him, leav- 
inge greate weal the and honour to his posteritie, and 
to himself an everlastinge name. The story is thus : 
Giouan di Grijalua se n'ando a Yucatan, combattete 
con quelli Indiani di Ciapoton, et se ne ritorno ferito ; 
entro nel fiume di Tauasco, che per questo si chiama 
ora Grijalua, nel qual riscatto o cambio per cose di 
poca valuta molto oro, robbe di cottone, et bellissime 
cose di penne ; stette in San Giouanni di Vlhua, pig- 

13 



98 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

lio possessione di quel paese per il Ee, in nome del 
Goiiernatore, Diego Velasquez ; et carabio la sua mer- 
ciaria per pezzi di oro, coperte di cottone et penne ; et 
si hauesse conosciuto la uentura sua, haueria fatto 
populatione in paese cosi ricco, come lo pregauano 
li suoi compagni et lui saria stato quello che dipoi il 
Cortes. Ma tanta uentura non era riseruata per chi 
non la conosceua ancora che si scusaua che lui non 
andaua per populare, se non per riscattare o per- 
mutare le cose che leuaua del Gouernatore ; et disco- 
prire se quella terra di Yucatan era isola o terra 
ferma. And if any man liste to knowe what inter- 
tainement he had of his uncle at his returne for not 
inhabitinge upon the present occasion, yt followeth in 
the ende of the same chapiter in these wordes : Et 
quando arriuo non lo uolse uedere il Gouernatore suo 
zio, che li fece quello che lui meritaua. 

The like story wee have, fol. 298. of Franciscus 
Lopez di Gomera his Generall Historic of the West 
Indies, of Vasques de Coronado, which, after exced- 
inge greate chardges bestowed for his royall furnish- 
inge furthe upon his voyadge to Ceuola and Quiuira, 
for wante of courage and for other private respectes, 
neglected plantinge there, had as colde welcome, at 
his dastardly and unconsiderate returne, of Don Anto- 
nio di Mendoza, viceroy of Mexico, as Grijalua 
had of his uncle above mentioned. It is written thus 
of him after his returne from Quiuira : — 

Casco del cauallo in Tiguez Francisco Vasquez, e 
con il colpo usci di ceruello et disuariaua ; questo 
caso alcuni credettero che fusse finto, altri n'hebbero 



WESTERNS PLANTING. 99 

grandissimo dolore ; quelli che rintendeuano a mala 
parte stauano male con lui per che non si metteua a 
popolare. And a little afterwarde : molto dispiacque a 
Don Antonio di Mendoza che fusero ritornati, per che 
haueua speso piu di sessanta milla pesi d'oro in 
quella impresa. . . molti uolsero restare la, ma Fran- 
cesco Vasquez di Coronado, che ricco era et nuou- 
amente maritato con vna bellissima donna, non volse, 
dicendo che non si poteriano sustentarsi ne difendere 
in cosi povero paese et tanto lontani del soccorso ; 
caminarono presso a tre milla miglia di longo in 
questa giornata. 

Notwithstandinge these colourable excuses and 
dispraisinges of the contrie, yt is described by rela- 
tion of his owne companions in this manner in the 
same leafe : e Quiuira in quaranta gradi e paese 
temperate, di bonissime acque, di molto herbatico, 
prugne, more, noci, et melloni, et vue che maturano 
benissimo ; non c e cottone, et vestono pelle di vac- 
che e caprioli. 

The greate inconvenience of the delaye and neg- 
lecte of plantinge with spede of goodd contries newe 
discouered, beinge well weyed and foreseene by John 
ilibault, made him to plante and fortifie at his firste 
voyadge, thoughe it were but with thirtie men ; 
which, that you may the better understande, together 
with the wise course and choice of place which 
oughte to be had in plantinge and seatinge at the 
firste, I will alleage his owne wordes which are in 
the laste leafe of his firste printed voyadge : Where- 
fore (my lorde), saith he, I truste you will not thincke 



100 



DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



The chefest 
pointe in all 
newe discov- 
eries. 



it amisse (consideringe the comodities that may be 
broughte thence) yf we leave a nomber of men there, 
which may fortifie and provide themselves of thinges 
necessarie ; for in all newe discoveries it is the 
chefest thinge that may be don, at the begynnynge to 
fortifie and people the contrie. I had not so soone 
set furthe this to our companie, but many of them 
offred to tary there ; yea, with suche a goodd will 
and jolly courage, that suche a nomber did offer 
themselves as wee had moche to doe to stay their 
importunitie ; and namely, of our shippe masters 
and pilotts, and suche as wee woulde not spare. 
Howebeit, wee lefte there but to the nomber of 30 men 
in all, gentlemen, souldiers, and maryners, and that 
at their owne sute and prayer, and of their owne free 
willes, and by the advise and deliberation of the gen- 
tlemen sent on the behalfe of the Prince and yours. 
And I have lefte unto them for heade and ruler, fol- 
lowinge therein your pleasure, Capitaine Albert de la 
Pierria, a souldier of longe experience, and the firste 
that from the begynnynge offred to tary ; and further, 
by their advise, choice, and will, inscaled and forti- 
fied them in an iland on the northe side thereof, a 
place of stronge scituation and commodious, upon 
a river which we named Chenonceau, and the habi- 
tation and fortres, Charles Forte. After wee had in- 
structed and duely admonished them of that they 
shoulde doe (as well for their manner of procedinge, 
as for the goodd and lovinge behaviour of them), the 
xj*^ day of the moneth of June last paste wee de- 
parted from Porte Royall, &c. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 101 

Nowe, to leave the Spaniardes and Frenche and to 
come to ourselves ; seinge it hath pleased Almightie 
God at this instant to reveale unto her Majestie and 
the realme that once againe afreshe which was in 
parte discovered by Sebastian Gabote and other the 
subjectes of this lande to her moste famous grand- 
father, Kinffe Henry the Seaventh, and was then The cause 

° \ why these 

lefte of and caste aside and not sufficiently re^rarded discoveries 

•' '--' went not for- 

by occasion of the warres of Scotland, as Sebastian 7-^'^ "u 

•' Kmge Henry 

himself writes, and so hath bene intermitted for the tyLe!'^^*'"'^^^'* 
space of aboute foure score and sixe yeares — if nowe 
the Queene, her Counsell, and other subjectes shall 
never so little delaye the throughe managinge of the 
cause and entringe effectually into the action, let 
them assure themselves that they will come to late, 
and a day after the faire ; ffor, as the wise man saieth, 
[j^g^ Post est occasio calva. For, to speake nothinge of 
the laste yeres preparation of the Marques de la Roche 
to inhabite and plante in those partes nowe discov- 
ered by our men, which preparation was luckely 
overthrowne in respecte of us, by reason that his 
greatest shippe was cast away upon the trauers of 
Burwage, the men of St. John de Luze sent the laste 
yere to sollicite the Frenche Kinge and his Counsell 
to plante there. And nowe our neighboures, the men 
of St. Maloe in Brytaine, in the begynnynge of Au- 
guste laste paste, of this yere 1584. are come home 
with five shippes from Canada and the contries upp 
the Bay of St. Lawrence, and have broughte twoo 
of the people of the contrie home, and have founde 
suche swete in that newe trade that they are prepar- 



102 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

inge tenne shippes to returne thither in January 
nexte, as one John de la Marche and Mr. Pryhouse 
of Garnesey afhrme ; which Mr. Pryhouse, beingo 
yet in London, was at St. Malowe within these five 
weekes, and sawe the twoo savages, the five shippes, 
and the riche comodities, and understoode of the 
greate preparation, and lieth no we at London, in 
Philpott lane, at the stone house there. 

And that it may be knowen that not onely the 
Frenche afFecte this enterprise, but even the Duche 
longe since thoughte of yt, I can assure you that 
Abraham Ortelius, the greate geographer, told me, 
at his laste beinge in England, 1577. that if the 
warres of Flaunders had not bene, they of the 
Lowe Contries had meant to have discovered those 
partes of America, and the north west straite, before 
this tyme. And yt semed that the chefe cause of 
his comynge into England was to no other ende, but 
to prye and looke into the secretes of Ffrobishers 
voyadge ; for yt was even then, when Ffrobisher was 
preparinge for his firste returne into the north 
west. 

To conclude : yf wee doe procrastinate the plant- 
inge (and where our men have nowe presently 
discovered, and founde it to be the best parte of 
America that is lefte, and in truthe more agreable 
to our natures, and more nere unto us, than Nova 
Hispania), the Frenche, the Normans, the Brytons, 
or the Duche, or some other nation, will not onely 
prevente us of the mightie Baye of St. Lawrence, 
where they have gotten the starte of us already, 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 103 

thoiighe wee had the same revealed to us by bookes 
published and printed in Englishe before them, but 
also will depriue us of that goodd lande which nowe 
wee have discovered. Which if they doe (as God 
defende they shoulde), then it falleth oute that wee 
shall have our enemyes or doubtfull frendes rounde 
aboute us, and shall not onely loose a singuler com- 
oditie and inestymable benefite, but also incurr great 
daunger and inconvenience in sufferinge Papistes, 
by plan tinge rounde aboute us, to take from us all 
succours, and to lett them inriche themselves under 
our noses, to be better able to supplant or over- 
ronne us. 



104 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. XVI. illcailCS to kepe this enterprise from overthrowe, and the enter- 
prisers from shame and dishonour. 

SEucrg newe enterprise is in the begynnyinge bur- 
denous, chardgeable, and heavie, and moste comonly 
hath many greate enemies ; which is the cause that 
many goodd men, much affected to their contrie in 
wittie excellent enterprises, sincke and fainte under 
their burden. And because that this enterprise which 
wee have in hande or in purpose (besides that it is 
much maliced, specially by our mightie faction of the 
Papistes), is an enterprize that requireth, beside the 
favour of the Prince, no small chardge ; therefore 
wee are to devise howe the burden may leste tyme 
reste on the backe of the bearer of the same, that he 
sincke not under the same, but that he maye stande 
upp in full strengthe, and goe throughe with ease, 
fame, and profitt, withoute shame of all the bymedlers 
and fauters of the same. And entred into considera- 
tion hereof, this cometh to mynde : that the firste 
chardge of the navye to be admitted as for the pres- 
ent deade chardge for the tyme, howe supply of the 
chardges followinge may be mayneteyned and borne ; 
for in that standeth one greate matter that ymporteth 
honour, credite, profite, and the whole sequele of the 
enterprize. 

Wee are induced by late plaine examples of the 
Frenche, that have traficqued in those partes with 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 105 

greate profite, to beleve that upon our plantinge wee 
shall as yt were defraye as well the firste chardges 
as the chardges followinge, by the comodities in traf- 
ficque that wee shall receave by passinge into the 
inland by river and otherwise. But admittinge the 
worse, that the people will neither receave our com- 
odities nor yelde us theirs againe, then wee are to 
devise of ourselves howe wee may otherwise at the 
firste countervaile our chardges, and become greate 
gayners, will or nill the naturall inhabitantes of those 
regions or others ; and that is, by enjoyinge certaine 
naturall comodities of the landes infinitely aboundinge, 
in no accompts with them and with us of greate 
price, which is this way to be broughte aboute. 

The soiles there upon the seacoaste, and all alonge 
the tracte of the greate broade mightie ryvers, all 
alonge many hundreth miles into the inland, are infi- 
nitely full fraughte with swete wooddes of ff"yrr, 
cedars, cypres, and with divers other kindes of goodly 
trees ; and settinge upp mylles to savve them, suche sawe mUies. 
as be common in Poland and in all the north easte 
regions, wee may with spede possesse infinite masses 
of boordes of these swete kindes, and these frame 
and make ready to be turned into goodly chestes, 
cupboordes, stooles, tables, deskes, &c., upon the 
returne. And consideringe the present wante of 
tymber in the realme, and howe derely the cipres 
chestes are soldo that come from the ilandes of the 
Levant seas, and lately from the Azores, to Bristoll 
and the westerne havens, these may be bothe amply 
and derely vented in all the portes of the realme and 

14 



106 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

of the realmes adjoyninge, consideringe that in this 
age every man desireth to fill his house with all man- 
ner of goodd furniture. So that were there no other 
peculiar comodities, this onely, I say, were ynoughe 
to defray e all the chardges of all the begynnynge of 
the enterprize, and that oute of hande ; for suche myl- 
wrightes may easely be procured from suche places 
where they abounde, and some suche (possible) be in 
England ; for I have herde of a frende of myne, that 
one suche mill within these xxx*.* yeres was sett upp 
in Worcestshere by a knighte of that contrie. And 
one man onely were able to directe a thousande of 
our common milwrightes in that trade ; and carpin- 
ters and joyners, the realnie may spare thousandes 
for a nede. 

And with like ease and shortenes of time wee may 
make of the wooddes there pitche and tarr, which are 
thinges fitt for our navie, and marchandizes of goodd 
vente and of comon neede. 

And with like ease wee may make of the wooddes 
there plentie of sope asshes, a comoditie very dere 
and of greate and ample vent with us, and elswhere 
in forren kingdomes of Europe, xllso wee may there 
prepare for pikes, chasinge staves, oares, halberts, 
and the like for cullen cleftes for sundry uses, &c. 
And also wee may there, withoute payenge for the 
same, have tymber to builde greate navies, and may 
bringe them into this realme, and have goodd sale 
of the same. 

All this, I say, may be broughte to passe if wee 
wisely plante, upon our arryvall, aboute the mouthes 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 107 

of greate rivers and in the ilandes of the same ; and 
so wee shall have the starte before the Frenche and 
all others ; and our people, sente thither for the pur- 
poses afore[saide], shall be ready to man our shippes 
to give repulse at the firste to all suche as shall come 
thither to sett foote to our annoye. 

Thus all thinges removed that mighte bringe dis- 
couragemente, the firste that tooke the enterprise in 
hande have wonne greate honour and highe estyma- 
tion with all degrees in England, and, havinge by these 
former meanes wonne to defraye all the chardges of 
the brunte of thenterprise, they stande full able to 
folio we the same withoute cravinge aide of the ling- 
ringe marchaunte, and have the possibilitie onely to 
themselves of the trades of traficque with the people, 
which they may bringe aboute eyther with curtesie, 
or by pollicie and force, as by joyninge nowe with 
this petite kinge, and nowe with that, &c. 

And this once plainely founde and noted in Eng- 
land, what noble man, what gentleman, what mar- 
chante, what citezen or contryman, will not offer of 
himselfe to contribute and joyne in the action, for- 
seeinge that the same tendeth to the ample vent of 
our clothes, to the purchasinge of riche comodities, 
to the plantinge of younger brethren, to the employ- 
ment of our idle people, and to so many noble endes ? 
And greate joyninge in contribution upon so happy 
begynnynges gevetli abilitie to fortifie, to defende all 
forren force in divers comodious places even at the 
firste. 



108 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. XVII. ®I)at by these colonies the north west passage to Cathaio and 
China may easely, quickly, and perfectly be searched oute 
as well by river and overlande as by sea ; for proofe where- 
of here are quoted and alleaged divers rare testymonies oute 
of the three volumes of voyadges gathered by Ramusius, and 
other grave authors. 

3In tfjc thirde volume of Nauigations and Voy- 
adges, gathered and translated into Italian by Mr. 
John Baptista Ramusius, fol. 417. pag, 2, I reade of 
John Verarsanus as followeth : This unhappy ende 
had this valiaunte gentleman, whoe, if this misfor- 
tune had not appened unto him (with the singuler 
knowledge that he had in sea matters and in the arte 
of navigation, beinge also favoured with the greate 
liberalitie of Kinge Fraunces), woulde have discov- 
ered and opened unto the worlde that parte also of 
lande even to the poole. Neither woulde he have 
contented himselfe with the outeside and sea coaste 
onely, but woulde have passed further upp within 
the lande so farr as he coulde have gon. And many 
that have knowen him and talked with him have told 
me, that he saied he had in mynde to perswade the 
Frenche Kinge to sonde oute of Fraunce a goodd 
nomber of people to inhabite certaine places of the 
said coaste, which be of ay re temperate, and of soile 
moste fertile, with very faire ryvers, and havens able 
to receave any navie. The inhabitants of which 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 109 

places mighte be occasion to bringe to passe many 
goodd efFectes ; and, amongest other, to reduce those 
poore, rude, and ignoraunte people to the knowledge 
of God and true relligion, and to she we them the 
manner of husbandrie for the grounde, transportinge 
of the beastes of Europe into those excedinge large 
and champion contries ; and in time mighte discover 
the partes within lande, and see if, amongest so many 
ilandes there be any passage to the Southe Sea, or 
whither the firme lande of Fflorida contynewe still 
even to the pole. 

Upon occasion of these laste wordes I thinke it not 
amisse to alleage those testimonies tendinge to the 
proofe of this longe desired north west passage, which, 
with no small care these many yeres, I have observed 
in my readinges and conferences concerninge the 
same matter. 

1. My firste authoritie is in the seconde volume of 
Ramusius, in the discourse of the discoverie of the 
ilandes Freseland, Iseland, Engroneland, Drogeo, 
and Icaria, made in the northe by Sir Nicholas Zeny, 
Knighte, and Mr. Anthony, his brother, in the yere 
1380. In which discourse, amonge many other 
thinges tendinge to the proofe of this passage, I finde 
this recorded : Scoprirono \Tia isola detta Estotilanda 
posta in ponente lontana da Frislanda piu di mille 
miglia ; whereof I gather, that whereas still he calleth 
Estotiland an ilande, and that it is distant westwarde 
from Frislande more then a thousande miles, that 
the sea is open above five hundreth miles further 
then Frobisher and his companie discouered. Ffor 



110 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

he himself confesseth that he never sailed paste five or 
sixe hiindreth miles to the vveste of Ffriselande ; and 
here is mention made, that those fishermen that dis- 
couered the iland of Estotiland founde it to be more 
then a M. miles to the weste of the same. 

2. The seconde testimonie to prove this north west 
passage is in the preface of the aforesaide Eamusius 
before his thirde volume, where he alleageth, in 
manner followinge, that which Sebastian Gabote 
wrote unto him concerninge this matter : Many yeres 
paste I was written unto by Sebastian Gabote, our 
contryman, a Venecian, and a man of greate experi- 
ence, and very singuler in the arte of navigation and 
in the knowledge of cosmographie, whoe sailed alonge 
and beyonde Nova Francia, at the chardges of Kinge 
Henry the seaventh, Kinge of England ; and he signi- 
fied unto me, that havinge sailed a longe tyme west 
and by northe beyonde those ilandes unto the latitude 
of 6 7. degrees and [an half] under the north pole, on 
the xj"' day of June, and findinge the sea open and 
withoute any manner of ympedymente, he thoughte 
verely that he mighte have passed by that way unto 
Cathaia, which is in the easte ; and he woulde have 
done yt, if the mutinie of the shipmaster and unruly 
mariners had not inforced him to returne home- 
wardes from that place. But it semeth (saith Ramu- 
sius), that God doth yet reserve to some greate prince 
the discoverie of this voyadge to Cathaio by this way, 
which, for the bringinge of the spicerie from India 
into Europe, woulde be the moste easie and shortest 
of all others hitherto founde oute. And surely this 



"WESTERNE PLANTING. 



Ill 



enterprize woulde be the moste glorious and of moste 
importaunce of all other that any coulde ymagine, to 
make then- name moche more eternall and ymmortale 
amonge all ages to come, then these so greate tu- 
multes and troubles of warres, which are to be seene 
contynually in Europe amonge the miserable and 
unhappy Christians. 

3. Thirdly, the reporte which the people of Hoche- 
laga made to Jaques Cartier, in the viij* chapter of 
his seconde relation, of the river three monethes navi- 
gable to the southewarde, dothe not a little confirme 

the same. 

4. Fourthly, the relation of the people of Canada 
in the xij* chapiter, followinge on this manner : More- 
over they tolde us, and gave us to understande, that 
there are people cladde with clothe as wee are, and 
that there are many inhabited townes and goodd peo- 
ple, and that they have greate store of golde and 
redd copper, and that upp into the lande, beyonde the 
river firste above mentioned, even to Hochelega and 
Saguynay, there is an ile environed aboute with that 
and other rivers, which beyonde Saguenay entreth into 
twoo or three greate lakes ; also that there is founde 
a sea of freshe water, the heade and ende whereof 
there was never man founde that had throughly 
searched, as farr as they have hearde say of them of 
Saguenay, for they (as they signified unto us) had not 
bene there themselves. 

5. Fyftly, in the ende of that seconde relation this 
postscripte is added as a speciall pointe, to witt : that 
they of Canada say that it is the space of a moone 



112 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

(that is to say a moneth) to saile to a lande where 
cynamon and cloves are gathered ; and in the Frenche 
original! which I sawe in the Kinges Library at Paris, 
in the Abbay of St. Martines, yt is further put downe, 
that Donnaconna, the Kinge of Canada, in his barke 
had traveled to that contrie where cynamon and 
cloves are had ; yea, and the names whereby the sava- 
ges call those twoo spices in their owne language are 
there put downe in writinge. 

6. Sixtly, this passage is likewise proved by the 
double reporte of Vasques de Coronado. For firste, 
he beinge at Ceuola, which standeth in 37, degrees 
and an halfe of northerly latitude within the lande, 
he had this informacion of the people of that place : 
Fanno otto giornate verso le campagne al mare 
di settentrione ; whereby I gather that some parte 
of the northerne sea ys within viij. daies journey of 
Ceuola. Againe, when he was after wardes at the 
towne of Quiuira, which is scituated by the sea side 
in the latitude of 40. degrees, he founde there shippes 
with maryners, which had the pictures of a birde, 
called Alcatrazzi, in silver upon their bonnetts and 
on the forepartes of their shippes ; which signified 
that they were thirtie daies sailinge to that place ; 
whence it is saied that they muste nedes be of Cathaio 
or China, seinge there is none but Spanishe shippinge 
upon all the coaste of the backside of Nona Spania. 

7. Seaventhly, the people of Florida, at the River 
of May, in 30. degrees, signified to John Ribault and 
his company, that they mighte saile in boates from 
thence through the contrie by ryver to Ceuola in xxV 



WESTERN E PLANTING. 113 

daies. These are the wordes, viz. : As wee no we de- 
maunded of them concernmge the towne of Ceuola 
(whereof some have written that it is not farr from 
thence, and is scituated within the lande, and towardes 
the sea called Mare del Sur), they shewed us by signes, 
which wee understoode well ynoughe, that they mighte 
goe thither with their boates, by rivers, in xx*.' daies. 

8. Eightly, Don Antonio di Castillo, embassador to 
her Majestie from Henry the Kinge of Portingale, 
tolde me here in London, the yere before his departure, 
that one Anus Corteriall, Capitane of the He of Ter- 
cera, in the yere 1574. sente a shippe to discover the 
northwest passage, which, arryvinge on the coaste of 
America in 51. degrees of latitude, founde a greate 
entraunce very depe and broade, withoute impedy- 
mente of ise, into which they passed above xx? 
leagues, and founde it alwayes to tende towardes the 
southe. The lande lay lowe and plaine on either 
side. They woulde have gon further, but their victu- 
alls drawinge shorte, and beinge but one shippe, they 
returned backe, with hope at another tyme to make a 
full searche of the passage, whereof they sawe not 
small likelyhoode. 

9. Nynthly, Don Antonio, Kinge of Portingale, 
shewed me in Paris this present somer, a greate olde 
rounde carde (out of which Postellus tooke the forme 
of his mappe), that had the northwest straite plainely 
sett downe in the latitude of 57. degrees. 

10. Tenthly, there is a mightie large olde mappe 
in parchemente, made, as yt shoulde seme, by Verar- 
sanus, traced all alonge the coaste from Florida to 

15 



114 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

Cape Briton, with many Italian names, which laieth 
oute the sea, makinge a little necke of lande in 40. 
degrees of latitude, much like the streyte necke or 
istmus of Dariena. This mappe is nowe in the cus- 
todie of Mr. Michael Locke. 

11. Eleventhly, there is an olde excellent globe in 
the Queenes privie gallery at Westminster, which also 
semeth to be of Verarsanus makinge, havinge the 
coaste described in Italian, which laieth oute the very 
selfe same streite necke of lande in the latitude of 40. 
degrees, with the sea joynninge harde on bothe sides, 
as it dothe on Panama and Nombre di Dies ; which 
were a matter of singuler importaunce, yf it shoulde 
be true, as it is not unlikely. 

12. Twelvethly, the judgemente of Gerardus Mer- 
cator, that excellent geographer, which his sonne, 
Rumolde Mercator, shewed me in a letter of his, and 
drewe oute for me in writinge, of wise men is not 
lightly to be regarded. These were his wordes : 
Magna tametsi pauca de noua nauigatione scribis, 
quam miror ante multos annos non fuisse attentatam. 
Non enim dubium est quin recta et breuis via pateat 
in occidentem Cathaium vsque. In quod regnum, si 
recte nauigationeminstituant,nobilissimas totius mundi 
merces colligent, et multis gentibus adhuc idololatris 
Christi nomen communicabunt. You write (saieth he 
to his Sonne) greate matters, thoughe very brefely, of 
the newe voyadge, whereat I wonder that it was not 
these many yeres heretofore attempted ; ffor there is 
no doubte but there is a streighte and shorte waye 
open into the west, even to Cathaio. Into which 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 115 

kingdome, if they governe their voyadge well, they 
shall gather the moste noble marchandize of all the 
worlde, and shall make the name of Christe to be 
knowen to many idolaters and heathen people. 

13. Hereunto agreeth the relation of Monsieur de 
Leau, an honest gent of Morleux, in Britaine, which 
tolde me this springe, in the presence of divers Eng- 
lishe men at Paris, that a man of St. Malowe this 
laste yere discovered the sea on the back side of 
Hochelaga. 

14. Moreover, the relation of David Ingram con- 
firmeth the same ; for, as he avowcheth and hath put 
it downe in writinge, he traveled twoo daies in the 
sighte of the North Sea. 

15. Againe, the prohibition which Kinge Phillippe 
hath made, that none of his pilotts shall discover to 
the northe wardes of 45. degrees, may seme chefely to 
precede of these two causes : the one, leaste passinge 
further to the northe, they mighte fall upon the open 
passage from Mare del Sur into our Northerne Sea ; 
the other, because they have not people ynoughe to 
possesse and kepe the same, but rather in tyme 
shoulde open a gappe for other nations to passe that 
waye. 

16. Lastly, I will ende with the earnest petition 
and constant assertion of Ramusius, in his iirste volume, 
fol. 374. where, speakinge of the severall waies by 
which the spicery, bothe of olde and of late yeres, hath 
bene broughte into Europe, he useth these speaches 
in the person of another : Why doe not the princes 
(saieth he), which are to deale in these affaires, sonde 



116 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

furthe twoo or three colonies to inhabite the contrie, 
and to reduce this savage nation to more civilitie, 
consideringe what a battle and frutefull soile it is, 
how replenished with all kinde of graine, howe it is 
stored with all kinde of birdes and beastes, with 
such faire and mightie rivers, that Capitaine Cartier 
and his companie in one of them sailed upp an C. 
and ^y leagues, findinge the contrie peopled on 
bothe sides in greate aboundaunce ; and, moreover, to 
cause the gouernours of those colonies to sonde furthe 
men to discouer the northe landes aboute Terra de La- 
brador, and west north west towardes the seas, which 
are to saile to the contrie of Cathaio, and from thence 
to the ilandes of Molucka. These are enterprises to 
purchase ymmortal praise, which the Lord Antony 
de Mendoza, viceroy of Mexico, willinge to put in 
execution, sente furthe his capitaines, bothe by sea 
and lande, upon the northwest of Nona Spania, and 
discovered the kingdomes of the seaven cities aboute 
Ceuola ; and Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passed 
from Mexico by lande towardes the northwest 2850. 
miles, in so moche as he came to the sea which lieth 
betwene Cathaio and America, where he mett with 
the Cathaian shippes ; and, no doubte, if the Frenche 
men, in this then* Nova Francia, woulde have discov- 
ered upp further into the lande towardes the west 
northwest partes, they shoulde have founde the sea 
and have sailed to Cathaio. 

Thus farr Ramusius. 

God, which doth all thinges in his due time, and 
hath in his hande the hartes of all Princes, stirr upp 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 117 

the mynde of her Majestie at length to assiste her 
moste willinge and forwarde subjectes to the per- 
fourmaunce of this moste godly and profitable action ; 
which was begonne at the chardges of Kinge Henry 
the vij* her grandfather, followed by Kinge Henry 
the Eighte, her father, and lefte, as it semeth, to be 
accomplished by her (as the three yeres golden voy- 
adge to Ophir was by Salomon), to the makinge of 
her realme and subjectes moste happy, and her selfe 
moste famous to all posteritie. Amen. 



118 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. XVIII. ®l)at the Queene of Englandes title to all the West Indies, or at 
the leaste to as raoche as is from Florida to the Circle 
articke, is more lawfull and righte then the Spaniardes, or 
any other Christian Princes. 

^0 confute the generall claime and unlawfull title 
of the insatiable Spaniardes to all the West Indies, 
and to prove the justenes of. her Majesties title and of 
her noble progenitours, if not to all, yet at leaste to 
that parte of America which is from Florida beyonde 
the Circle articke, wee are to sett downe in true 
order, accordinge to the juste observation of tyme, 
when the West Indyes, with the ilandes and continent 
of the same, were firste discoured and inhabited, and 
by what nation, and by whome. Then are wee to 
answer in generall and particulerly to the moste in- ■ 
jurious and unreasonable donation graunted by Pope 
Alexander the Sixte, a Spaniarde borne, of all the 
West Indies to the Kinges of Spaine and their suc- 
cessors, to the greate prejudice of all other Christian 
Princes, but especially to the domage of the Kinges 
of England. 

Ffor the firste pointe, wee of England have to 
shewe very auncient and auctenticall chronicles, writ- 
ten in the Welshe or Brittishe tongue, wherein wee 
finde that one Madock ap Owen Guyneth, a Prince 
of North Wales, beinge wearye of the civill warres 
and domesticall dissentions in his contrie, made twoo 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 119 

voyadges oute of Wales, and discovered and planted 
large Gentries which he founde in the mayne ocean 
south westwarde of Ireland, in the yere of our Lorde 
1170. This historie is also to be seene in Englishe 
in printe, in the booke sett furthe this yere of the 
Princes of Wales, dedicated to Sir Henry Sidney. 
And this is confirmed by the language of some of 
those people that dwell upon the continent betwene 
the Bay of Mexico and the Grande Bay of New- 
foundelande, whose language is said to agree with 
the Welshe in divers wordes and names of places, 
by experience of some of our nation that have bene 
in those partes. By this testimonie it appereth, that 
the West Indies were discovered and inhabited 322. 
yeres before Columbus made his firste voyadge, which 
was in the yere 1J:92. 

Secondly, the acceptation of Columbus his offer of 
the West Indies by Kinge Henry the Seaventh, at 
the very firste, maketh moche for the title of the 
Kinges of England, althoughe they had. no former 
interest ; which I will here putt downe as I finde it 
in the eleventh chapiter of the historie of Ferdinan- 
dus Columbus of the relation of the life and doinges 
of his father : This practise, saieth he, of the Kinge 
of Portingale (which was secretly to deprive him of 
the honoiu- of his enterprise), beinge come to the 
knowledge of the Admyrall, and havinge lately 
buried his wife, he conceaved so greate hatred 
againste the citie of Ly shone and the nation, that he 
determyned to goe into Castile with a younge sonne 
that he had by his wife, called Diego Colon, which 



120 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

after his fathers deathe succeded in his state. But 
fearinge, yf the Kinges of Castile also shoulde not 
consente unto his enterprise, he shoulde be con- 
strayned to begynne againe to make some newe offer 
of the same to some other Prince, and so longe tyme 
shoulde be spente therein, he sente mto England a 
brother of his which he had with him, named Bar- 
tholmewe Columbus. Novve Bartholmewe Columbus 
beinge departed for England, his fortune was to fall 
into the handes of pyrates, which robbed him, and his 
other companions that were in his shippe, of all that 
they had. By which occasion and meanes of his 
povertie and sicklies, which cruelly afflicted him in a 
strange con trie, he deferred for a longe space his 
embassage, till, havinge gotten upp a little money by 
makinge of seacardes, he began to practize with 
Kinge Henry the Seaventhe, the father of Kinge 
Henry the viij*:^ which nowe reigneth ; to whome he 
presented a general carde, wherein these verses were 
written, which I will rather here put downe for their 
antiquitie then for their elegancie : 

Terrarum quicunque cupis foeliciter oras 
Noscere, cuncta decens doct^ pictura docebit 
Quain Strabo affirmat, PtolomjEus, Plinius atque 
Isidorus : non vna tamen sententia cuique. 
Pingitur htc etiam nuper sulcata carinis 
Hispanis Zona ilia, prius incognita genti, 
Torrida, quae tandem nunc est notissima multis. 

And somewhat more beneath he saied : 

Pro auihore sive pidore. 
Janua cul patriae est nomen, cui Bartholomaeus 
Coltnnbus, de terra rubra, opus edidit istud 
Londonijs, Anno Domini 1480 atque insuper anno 
Octauo, decimaque die cum tertia niensis 
Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abunde. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 121 

But to returne to the Kinge of England ; I say that 
after he had sene the generall carde, and that which 
the Adniyrall Cokimbus offred unto him, he accepted 
his offer with a cherefull countenaunce, and sente to 
call him into England. These thinges beinge so, wee 
nede not to be our owne judges, but are able to prove, 
as you see, by a forren testimonie of singuler greate 
aucthoritie, that Christopher Columbus, beinge in 
Portingale, before he wente into Castile, sente his 
brother Bartholmewe into England to practise with 
Kinge Henry the Seaventh aboute the discoverie of 
the West Indies, and that his said brother made his 
generall seacarde of this secrete voyadge in London, 
in the yere of our Lorde 1488. the xiij*.^ of February, 
above foure yeres before Christopher was sett oute 
upon his firste voyadge by the Princes of Spaine, 
Ferdinando and Isabella, which was the thirde of 
Auguste, 1492. It appereth also, that the onely cause 
of his slowe dispatche was his fallinge into the handes 
of pyrates, which spoiled him and his companie of 
all that they had ; whereby he was inforced a longe 
tyme to worke in London in makinge instrumentes 
and seacardes to get somewhat aboute him, that he 
mighte come in some honest furniture to the Kinges 
presence. Also, that there was no delaye nor wante 
of goodd will of the Kinges parte to sett furthe the 
action, whoe willingly condescended to all Columbus 
demaundes ; as is further to be scene in the 60 chapi- 
ter of the same historic, where I reade, that Barthol- 
mewe Columbus, havinge agreed with the Kinge of 
England upon all capitulations, and returninge into 

16 



122 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

Spaine by France to fetche his brother, when he 
hearde newes at Paris that he had conchided in the 
meane season with the Kinge of Spaine, and was 
entred into the action for him, was not a httle vexed 
for his brothers abusinge the Kinge of England, 
which had so curteously graunted all his requestes and 
accepted of his offer. But Christofer, not receavinge 
so spedy aunswer as he hoped for from his brother 
cute of England, by reason of his fallinge into pirates 
handes, as is aforesaide, and not by reason of any 
slacknes or unwillingnes of the Kinge, in the meane 
season, for feare of beinge prevented by the Portin- 
gales, which once before in secrete manner had gon 
aboute to take the honour of the action oute of his 
handes, was stirred, contrary to honesty, to playe on 
bothe handes, and to deale with the Princes of Spaine 
before he had receaved the Kinge of Englandes 
resolucion. 

But leavinge this abuse offered to the Kinge of 
England either by Christopher Columbus or the 
Kinges of Spaine, in takinge that enterprise oute of 
his handes which was firste sente to him, and never 
refused by him, and to put the case that Columbus 
lirste discovered part of the ilandes of Hispaniola 
and Cuba, yet wee will prove moste plainely, that a 
very greate and large parte, as well of the continent 
as of the ilandes, was firste discovered for the Kinge 
of England by Sebastian Gabote, an Englishe man, 
borne in Bristoll, the sonne of John Gabote, a Vene- 
sian, in the yere of our Lorde 1496; as an Italian 
gent, a greate philosopher and mathematitian, wit- 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 123 

nesseth, which harde the same of his owne mouthe ; 
and there were many then also lyvinge, which wente 
with him in that voyadge, which coulde have proved 
him a liar yf it had bene otherwise. These be the 
very wordes of this gent, which he uttered to certen 
noblemen of Venice upon the disputation concern- 
inge the voyadges of the spicerye : Knowe ye not 
(quoth he) to this efFecte,to goe to finde the Easte 
Indies by the north west, that which one of your citie 
hath done, which is so skilfull in the arte of navigacion 
and cosmographie, that he hath not his like in Spaine 
at this day? And his sufficiencie hath so greately 
advaunced him, that the Kinge hath given him the 
oversighte of all the pilotts that saile to the West 
Indies, so that withoute his licence they cannot med- 
dle in this arte, by reason whereof they call him the 
Graund Pilott. This was Segnior Sebastian Gabote, 
which I went to see, beinge myselfe in Cyvill certen 
yeres paste, whome I founde to be a moste curteous 
and gentle person. After he had made very moche 
of me, and geven me goodd entertainment, he shewed 
me many singularities which he had ; and amonge 
the rest, a greate mappe of the worlde, wherein were 
marked and described all the particuler navigations 
as well of the Portingales as of the Castilians. And 
he declared unto me, that, his father beinge departed 
from Venyce, he wente to dwell in England for trade 
of marchandize, and caried him with him to the citie 
of London, thoughe he were very younge ; yet for all 
that not so younge but that he had studied [letters] 
of humanitie and the sphere ; moreover, that his 



124 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

father died aboute the tyme that the newes came that 
Christopher Colon had discovered the coaste of the 
West Indies, and there was no other talke but of that 
in the Courte of Kinge Henry the vij^!* which reigned 
then in England. Whereof every man saied, that 
yt was rather a thinge devine then humaine, to have 
founde out that way never knowen before, to goe by 
the west into the easte. This brute of Segnior Colum- 
bus did so inflame my harte, that I deter myned also 
to doe some notable thinge. And knowinge by the 
reason of the sphere, that, in directinge my course 
righte towarde the north weste, I shoulde shorten the 
way greately to goe to the Easte Indies, without delaye 
I gave the Kinges Majestic to understande of myne 
opinion, which was marveylously well pleased; and 
he furnished me of twoo shippes, with all thinges 
necessarie ; and this was in the yere 1496. in the be- 
gynnynge of somer. And I began to saile towardes 
the north west, thinckinge to finde no lande savinge 
that where Cathaio is, and from thence to turne 
towardes the Indies. But after certaine dai/es, I dis- 
coured lande which ronneth towardes the northe, 
wherewithal! I was excedingly agreved ; notwith- 
standinge I ceassed not to ronne alonge that coaste 
towardes the northe, to see yf I coulde finde any gulfe 
which turned towardes the north weste, until I came 
to the heighte of 56. degrees of our pole. Beinge 
there, I sawe that the coaste turned towarde the 
easte, and, beinge oute of hope to finde any straite, I 
turned backe againe to searche out the said coaste 
towarde the equinoctiall, with intention alwayes to 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 125 

finde some passage to the Indies ; and in followinge 
this coaste I sailed as farr as that parte which at this 
present they call Florida; and novve my victualls The cause 
failinge and fallins^e shorte, I sailed no further, but coverywas 

° ° ' ' lefteofin 

lefte the coaste there and sailed into England, where Kinge Henry 

O ' the Seav- 

I was no sooner arryved but I founde greate troubles "'^^^'^ ^^°^^- 
of the people, that were upp in armes by reason of 
the warres in Scotland ; whereby the voyadge to those 
partes was laide aside for that time, and had in no 
further consideration. 

Upon this relation, Monsieur Popiliniere, beinge 
a Frencheman, in his seconde booke, Des Trois 
Mondes, inferreth these speaches : This, then, 
was that Gabote which firste discovered Florida 
for the Kinge of England, so that the Englishe 
men have more righte thereunto then the Span- 
iardes, yf, to have righte unto a contrie, it sufficeth to 
have firste seene and discovered the same. 

Howbeit, Gabota did more then see the contrie, for 
he wente on lande on divers places, tooke possession of 
the same accordinge to his patente, which was graunted 
to his father, John Gabot, to Lewes, himself, and San- 
cius, his brethren, beinge to be sene in the Rolles and 
extant in printe ; and, moreover, he broughte home 
three of the savages of the Indies, as Fabian, in his 
ancient Chronicle, dothe write, declaringe their ap- 
parell, feedinge, and other manners, which, he saieth, 
he observed himselfe in the Courte at Westminster, 
where he sawe twoo of them, twoo yeres after they 
were broughte into England, in Englishe apparell. 
Nay, that which is more, Gabota discovered this longe 



126 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

tracte of the firme lande tvvoo yeres before Columbus 
ever sawe any parte of the continente thereof. For 
the firste parte of the firme lande, called Paria, and 
Bocca di Dragone, that is to say, the Dragons Mouthe, 
beinge to the southe of the iland of Hispaniola, was 
discovered by him in his thirde voyadge ; which, as 
Peter Martir de Angleria, which was one of the coun- 
cell of the West Indies, wryteth, was in the yere 1498 ; 
which is confirmed by Ferdinandus Columbus, his 
owne Sonne, which was with his father in the voy- 
adge (as Oviedo confesseth, libr. 19. cap. 1.), and wrote 
a journall of that voyadge, shewinge, in the 67. chapi- 
ter of his historic, that his father firste sawe the firme 
lande the firste of Auguste in the yere 1-198. But 
Gabote made his greate discoverie in the yere 1496. 
as he testifieth in his relation above mentioned. And 
the day of the moneth is also added in his owne 
mappe, which is yn the Queenes privie gallorie at 
Westminster, the copye whereof was sett oute by Mr. 
Clemente Adams, and is in many marchantes houses 
in London. In which mappe, in the chapiter of 
N f land Ncwfoundclande, there in Latyn is put downe, besides 

disco vcrd* 

the yere of our Lorde, even the very day, which was 
the day of St. John Baptiste; and the firste lande which 
they sawe they called Prima Visa or Prima Vista ; and 
Mr. Roberto Thorne, in his discourse to Doctor Ley, 
Kinge Henry the Eights embassador to Charles the 
Emperour, affirmeth that his father and one Hughe 
Elliott, of Bristoll, were the firste persons that descried 
the lande. This case is so clere that the Spaniardes 
themselves, thoughe full sore againste their willes, are 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 127 

constrained to yielde unto us therein. For Francis- 
cus Lopez de Gomera, in the 4.chapiter of his seconde 
booke of his Generall Historic of the Indies, confesseth 
that Sebastian was the firste discoverer of all the coaste 
of the West Indies, from 58. degrees of northerly lati- 
tude to the heighte of 38. degrees towardes the equi- 
noctiall. He whiche broughte moste certeine newes 
of the contrie and people of Baccalaos, saieth Gomera, 
was Sebastian Gabot, a Venesian, which rigged up 
ij. shippes at the coste of Kinge Henry the Seaventh 
of England, havinge greate desire to traficque for the 
spices as the Portingales did. He carried with him 
CCC. men, and tooke the way towardes Island from 
beyonde the Cape of Labrador, untill he founde him- 
selfe in 58. degrees and better. He made relation 
that, in the moneth of July, it was so colde and the 
ise so greate, that he durste not passe any further ; 
that the dales were very longe, in a manner withoute 
any nighte, and for that shorte nighte that they had 
it was very clere. Gabot, feelinge the colde, turned 
towardes the west, refreshinge himselfe at Baccalaos ; 
and afterwardes he sailed alonge the coaste unto 38 
degrees, and from thence he shaped his course to 
returne into England. 

Moreover, this Fraunces Lopez de Gomera ac- 
knowledgeth, in his firste booke and xxj*?" chapiter of 
his Generall Historic of the Indies, that Columbus, 
on his thirde voyadge, sett oute from St. Lucar of 
Barameda, in Spaine, in the ende of May, anno 1497. 
In which thirde voyadge, at lengthe, after many 
greate dangers by the way, he arryved in the firme 



128 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

lande of the Indies, tovvardes the province called 
Paria, which all the Spanishe authors confesse to 
have bene the firste of the continent that was dis- 
covered for the Kinges of Spaine. 

So to conclude ; whether wee beleve the testimonie 
of Peter Martir and Ferdinandus Columbus, which 
affirme that Christopher Columbus discovered the 
firme firste in anno 1498. a greate and large tracte of 
the continente of the Indies was discovered by Gabot 
and the Englishe above twoo yeres before, to witt, in 
the yere 1496, in the moneths of June and July ; or 
whether wee be contente to yelde to Gomera, which 
saieth Columbus sett furthe of the discovery of the 
firme lande, 1497 ; yet wee of England are the firste 
discoverers of the continent above a yere and more 
before them, to witt, 1496. or, as Clement Adams 
saieth, 1494. in the chapiter of Gabotts mapp De 
terra nova, which is above three yeres before the 
Spaniarde, or any other for the Kinges of Spaine, 
had any sighte of any parte of the firme lande of the 
Indies. At leaste wise, by Gomera his owne con- 
fession, from 58. degrees of northerly latitude to 38. 
towardes the equinoctiall, we have beste righte and 
title of any Christian. As for the discovery of John 
Ponce of Leon, beinge in anno 1512. yt cannot be 
prejudiciall to our title, as beinge made sixtene yeres 
after Gabotes voyadge. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 129 



lin aUllSUJCr to the Bull of the Donation of all the "West Indies Cap. XIX. 
graunted to the Kinges of Spaine by Pope Alexander the 
Vltli, whoe was himselfe a Spaniarde borne. 

Wi\)tXtBQ Fraunces Lopez de Gomera, in the 19. 
chapiter of his firste booke of his Generall Historie of 
the Indies, putteth downe that Pope Alexander the 
Vlth, of his proper will and of his owne mere motion, 
with the consente of his Cardinalls, gave of his free 
grace to the Kinges of Spaine all the iles and firme 
landes which they shoulde discover towardes the 
west, and therewithall alledgeth the Bull itselfe ; I 
aunswer, that no Pope had any lawfull aucthoritie to 
give any such donation at all. For proofe whereof, I 
say that, if he were no more then Christes vycar, as 
Gomera calleth him in that place, then he muste 
needes graunte that the vicar is no greater then his 
Master. No we, our Saviour Christe, beinge requested 
and intreated to make a lawfull devision of inherit- 
aunce betwene one and his brother, refused to do yt, 
sayenge, Quis me constituit judicem inter vos ? Whoe 
made me a judge betwene you ? What meaneth, then, 
the Pope, not beinge spoken to nor entreated, of his 
owne proper will and of his owne mere motion, to 
meddle in those matters that Christe in no wise, no, 
not beinge thereunto instantly requested, woulde not 
have to deale in ? Againe, our Saviour Christe con- 

17 



130 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

fessed openly to Pilate, that his kingdome was not of 
this worlde. Why, then, doth the Pope, that woulde 
be Christes servaunte, take upon him the devision of 
so many kingdomes of the worlde ? If he had but 
remembred that which he hath inserted in the ende 
of his owne Bull, to witt, that God is the disposer and 
distributer of kingdomes and empires, he woulde 
never have taken upon him the devidinge of them 
with his line of partition from one ende of the heavens 
to the other. The historic of the poore boye whome 
God stirred upp to confounde and deride the Span- 
iardes and Portingales, when they were devidinge the 
worlde betwene themselves alone, is so well knowen 
as I nede not stande to repeate it. But it is the 
Popes manner alwayes to meddle, as in this matter, 
so in other thinges, where they have nothinge to doe, 
and to intrude themselves before they be called. They 
mighte rather call to mynde the counsell of the goodd 
apostle, who tolde godly Tymothe, the Bisshoppe of 
Ephcsus, that no man that warreth intangleth him- 
self with the affaires of this presente life, because he 
woulde please Him that hathe chosen him to be a 
souldier ; and then they woulde learne to kepe them- 
selves within the lymites of that vocation and ecclesi- 
asticall function whereunto they are called ; whiche 
ecclesiasticall function hath nothinge to doe with ab- 
solute donation and devidinge of mere temporalties 
and earthly kingdomes. St. Chrisostome, in his dia- 
logue De dignitate sacerdotali, saieth that the mynis- 
terie is a chardge geven by God to teache withoute 
armes or force, and that the same is no power to give 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 131 

or to take kingdomes, nor to make lawes for the poli- 
tique governemente. St. Hillary writes as moche to the 
Emperour Constantino againste Auxentius, Bisshoppe 
of Milan. Our Saviour Christe himselfe saieth to 
his desciples, that, while they were in the worlde, 
they shoulde be broughte before kinges and pollitique 
magistrates for his nam.es sake. So then they shoulde 
not be judges and magistrates themselves, especially 
in the de visions of kingdomes ; and, to leave all spir- 
itual! men an example, he paid tribute and toll for 
himselfe and Peter, and submitted himselfe and his 
apostles under the civill magistrate and politique 
governemente ; yet the Pope, whoe saieth he is Peters 
successor, will be a disposer of civill causes and tem- 
porall domynions. The Apostle saieth, Romaines the 
13 : Let every soule be submitted unto the higher 
powers. Nowe, if the Popes will not beleve the worde 
of God withoute the exposition of the Fathers of the 
Churche, at leaste let them beleve St. Chrisostome, 
and give eare to that which he hath written upon this 
place : That these thinges be comaunded to all men, 
saieth he, bothe to prestos and monckes, and not 
onely to secular or laymen, the Apostle declareth, 
even in the very begynnynge, when he saieth in this 
manner : Let every soule be subjecte unto their higher 
powers, thoughe thou were an apostle, thoughe thou 
were an evangeliste, thoughe thou were a prophet, or 
thoughe thou were any other whatsoever. For obe- 
dience dothe nothinge hinder godlines. 

But the Popes woulde prove that they may give and 
bestowe kingdomes upon whome they please, by Sam- 



132 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

uels example that annointed David and deposed Saul, 
of Elyas that annoynted Hazaell Kmge of Siria 
histeade of Benhadad, and Jehu Kinge of Israeli 
insteade of Jehoram ; as, also, by the example of 
Jehoida, the highe preste, that put the Queene Athalia 
to deathe, and placed Joas, the younge sonne of 
Ochosias, in the kingdome. All those examples make 
nothinge at all in the worlde for them ; for neither 
Sarauell, nor Elias, nor Elizeus did any thinge in that 
matter withoute an expresse comaundement and all 
circumstances from the mouthe of God himselfe, as 
appereth moste evidently by their severall histories in 
the Bible. Samuell also did his comission full sore 
againste his will ; and Elias and Elizeus, with greate 
feare of their lyves. As for Athalia, she was an 
usurper, and had cruelly murdered as many of the 
lawfull inheritours of the kingdome as she coulde 
possibly lay handes on; and therefore Jehoiada, the 
highe preste, not of his owne absolute aucthoritie, 
but by the helpe of the Kinges officers and joyfull 
consente of all the people, caused her moste justely 
to be deposed and put to deathe. He was also uncle 
to the younge Kinge, by mariage of his wife, Jeho- 
sheba, which was sister to Ahasai, the father of the 
younge kinge, and therefore bounde, in conscience 
and affinitie, to helpe him to his righte and succour 
him in his mynoritie. Nowe, when the Popes have 
the like excellent spirite of prophesie, and the like 
chardges and expresse comaundementes from Gods 
owne mouthe, in the behalfe of some one by name 
againste some one which God by name woulde have 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 133 

deposed, then they may ymitate them in pronoundnge 
unto them that God will rente their kingdomes from 
this or that kinge for his synnes. But none of the 
Prophetts made bulls or donations in their palaces, 
under their handes and seales and dates, to bestowe 
many kingdomes, which they never sawe nor knewe, 
nor what nor howe large they were, or, to say the 
truthe, w^hether they were extant in rerum natura, as 
the Pope hath done in gevinge all the West Indies to 
the Kinges of Spaine. He shoulde firste have don as 
the prophetts dyd ; that is, he shoulde firste have gon 
himselfe and preached the worde of God to those 
idolatrous kinges and their people ; and then, if they 
woulde not, by any meanes, have repented, he mighte 
have pronounced the severe and heavie judgemente 
of God againste them, shewinge oute of the worde of 
God that one kingdome is translated from another for 
the sinnes of the inhabitantes of the same, and that 
God, in his justice, woulde surely bringe some nation 
or other upon them, to take vengeaunce of their synnes 
and wickednes. And thus moche not onely Popes, 
but also any other godly and zealous bisshoppe or 
mynister, may doe, beinge called thereunto by God 
extraordinarily, or havinge the ordinary e warrante 
of his worde. 

Yea, but the Popes can shewe goodd recordes that 
they have deposed Emperors, that they have trans- 
lated empires from one people to another, as that of 
the Easte unto the Germaines, and that they have 
taken kingdomes from one nation and geven them to 
another. In deede, in some respectes, they have done 



134 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

SO. But how 1 They never gave that which was in 
their actuall possession, yf by any meanes possible 
they might have kepte it themselves. It is an easie 
matter to cutt large thonges, as wee say, of other 
men's hides, and to be liberall of other men's goodds. 
Neither ys it any marvaile thoughe (as Gomera 
saieth) the Pope gave all the West Indies of his free 
grace to the Kinge of Spaine, for they never coste 
him a penye. But he that will be in deede and 
truthe liberall, he muste give of his owne, and not of 
other mens. For to take from one that which is his, 
to give it to another to whome it is not due, ys plaine 
injurie and no liberalitie, thoughe the gifte were be- 
stowed upon him that were in nede. For as one 
saieth : Eripere alteri fraudulenter quod alteri des 
misericorditer, iniustitia quidem est et non eleemos- 
yna — to take from one fraudulently to give to an 
other mercifully, is no almes nor charitie, but plaine 
iniquitie. The Pope shoulde rather have sent into 
the West Indies store of godly pastors of his owne 
coste freely, then to have geven them and their 
gooddes wTongfully to be eaten upp and devoured of 
such insatiable and gredy wolves. He shoulde have 
remembred the worde of our Saviour, whoe saieth : 
Beatius est dare quam accipere — it is a blessed 
thinge to give rather then to receave. 

The Popes say they gave Ireland to Kinge Henry 
the Seconde and his successors ; and indeede they 
have don it in wordes. But when gave they that unto 
him 1 Forsoothe after he had faste footinge in it, and 
when Dermutius, the King of Leynester, had firste 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 135 

ofFred to make the Kinge his heire. And for all 
their donation, yf the Kinge had not by his force 
more then by their gifte, holpe himselfe, the Popes 
donation had stoode him in small stede ; neither did 
the Kinges of Ireland admitt and allowe of the 
Popes donation. If they had, they woulde never 
have rebelled so ofte againste the Crowne of Eng- 
land. To conclude this pointe, thoughe wee confesse 
that the Popes have don this or that, yet yt is no 
goodd argumente to say they did it, and therefore it is 
lawfull, unlesse they coulde shewe they did it right- 
fully. De facto constat, de jure non constat. And 
they themselves are driven to confess, that their 
medlinge on this sorte with kingdomes ys not direct- 
ly, but indirectly. But suche indirecte dealinge is 
warranted neither by la we of God nor men. 

Nowe to come to the donation itselfe, wee are firste 
to consider, whoe it was that was the author thereof; 
secondly, unto whome it was made ; thirdly, what 
were the causes and inducementes that moved the 
Pope thereunto ; fourthly, the fourme and manner 
of the donation ; fyftly, the inhibition of all other 
Christian Princes, and the penaltie of all them that 
shoulde doe the contrarye ; lastly, the recompence 
of the Kinges of Spaine to the Sea of Rome for so 
greate a gifte. 

1. Touchinge the firste, the author hereof was 
Pope Alexander the vj*!' whoe, as Platina and Onu- 
phrius and Bale doe write, was himselfe a Spaniarde, 
and borne in Valencia, of the familie called Borgia, 
and therefore no marvell thoughe he were ledd by 



136 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

parcialitie to favour the Spanishe nation, thoughe yt 
were to the prejudice and domage of all others ; 
whiche foule faulte of his may hereby appeare, that 
havinge in all the time of his Popedome created sixe 
and thirtie Cardinalles, of those xxxvj. he made xviij. 
to witt the one halfe, Spaniardes, as Bale dothe tes- 
tifie, writinge of his life. Nowe let any man be judge, 
whether that were extreame parcialitie and ambition, 
to make Spaine equal in that pointe with all the 
reste of Christendome. No marvaile therefore, 
thoughe as in this, so in his donation, he was be- 
yonde all reason caried away with blynde affection to 
his nation ; which faulte of his had bene more to be 
borne withall, yf it had bene in a private or small 
matter. But in this so generall and comon cause, yt 
cannot choose but be altogether intollerable. If any 
man liste to see this. man painted oute further in his 
colours, let him reade John Bale in his Eighte Cen- 
tury, where he shall finde so many of his badd partes, 
as a man woulde thinke he coulde not be a fitt man 
to make a gcodd and uprighte judge in so weightie 
a matter as this. 

2. The persons to whome he made this donation 
were Ferdinando and Isabella, Princes of Spaine, to 
whome, and to their heires and successors for ever, he 
confirmed the same, excludinge all other Christian 
princes. These princes, thoughe otherwise very ver- 
tuous and comendable, yet, at the time of the makinge 
of this donation, were more unable then divers other 
Kinges of Christendome to accomplishe and bringe the 
same to effecte, as beinge greately ympoverished with 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 137 

the warres of Granadae, so fan* furthe that they were 
constrained to soke for helpe of Kinge Henry the 
Vir.^ of England, to subdue the Moores in their 
owne contrie. Yea, Queene Isabella was so poore 
and bare that she was faine to offer her owne Jewells 
to gage, to borowe money to sett furthe Columbus in 
his firste voyadge, as it is to be seene in the 14. chapi- 
ter of the Historye of Ferdinandus Columbus, his 
owne Sonne. It is also well knowen that the Span- 
iardes, for wante of people of their owne contrie, have 
not bene able no we, in the space of ^y and xij. 
yeres, to inhabite a thirde or fourthe parte of those 
excedinge large and waste contries, which are as 
greate as all Europe and xlfricke. 

3. The inducementes that moved his Holines to 
graunte these unequall donations unto Spaine were, 
firste, (as he saieth) his singuler desire and care to 
have the Christian religion and Catholicque faithe 
exalted, and to be enlarged and spredd abroade 
throughoute the worlde, especially in his daies, and 
that the salvation of soules shoulde be procured of 
every one, and that the barbarous nations shoulde be 
subdued and reduced to the faithe, &c. To this I 
aunswer that, if he had ment as in deede he saieth, 
he shoulde not have restrayned this so greate and 
generall a worke, belonginge to the duetie of all other 
Christian princes, unto the Kinges of Spaine onely, as 
thoughe God had no servauntes but in Spaine ; or as 
thoughe other Christian kinges then lyvinge had not 
as greate zeale and meanes to advaunce Gods glory 
as they ; or howe mente he that every one shoulde 

18 



138 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

put their helpinge hande to this worke, when he de- 
fended all other Christian Princes, in paine of his 
heavie curse and excomunicatyon, to meddle in this 
action, or to employe their subjectes, thoughe yt were 
to the conversion of thinhabitauntes in those partes. 
And whereas, to colour this his donation, he addeth, 
that the Kinges of Spaine had bene at greate chardges 
in that discoverie, in respecte whereof he was induced 
to deale so franckly with them, yt is evident that the 
Bull was graunted in the yere 1493. the iiij*'' of the 
moneth of May, at what time Columbus had made 
but one voyadge, wherein he was furnished onely 
with one small shippe and twoo little caravells, and 
had, in all his companie, but foure score and tenne 
men, and the whole voyadge stoode the Kinge of 
Spaine in 2500. crownes only. So these 2500. 
crovvnes were the greate chardges that the Pope 
speaketh of, that induced him to graunte so large a 
donation ; for that was the uttermoste that Columbus 
desired, as is to be redd in the l^.chapiter of his owne 
sonnes historic. 

Moreover, where the Pope confesseth he was in- 
formed, before the donation of his Bull, that the 
Kinges of Spaine had purposed, by the aide of God, 
to subdue and reduce unto the faithe all those landes 
and ilandes, with their inhabitants, whiche Columbus 
had founde in his firste discovery, in comendinge 
highly of this their intention, he semeth to confesse 
that they mighte have pursued that godly action very 
lawfully withoute makinge of him privy to their en- 
terprice, which they did not in their firste sendinge 



WESTERN E PLANTING. 139 

furthe Columbus. And with what righte he builded 
and lefte men in Hispaniola at the firste, before the 
Popes donation, with the selfe same righte he mighte 
have subdued all that he shoulde afterwardes discover. 
So, then, the Popes gifte was of no more force, then 
of that which they mighte have chalenged by their 
former righte and interest of discoverie. And as 
for their former zeale and resolution to publishe the 
Christian faithe in those quarters, which the Pope 
confesseth to have bene in them before his donation, 
whoe seeth not that he stirres them uppe to nothinge, 
but to that which he acknowledgeth to have bene in 
them already ; and so he did nothinge but actum agere. 
Againe ; in that he saieth, that in no other respecte, 
but moved onely by his mere and francke liberaltie, 
a7id for certeine secrete causes, he gave unto them 
all the ilandes and iirme landes which already have 
bene founde, and which shoulde afterwardes be 
founde, which were then discovered or afterwardes to 
be discovered, towardes the West and the Southe, 
drawinge a straighte line from the pole articke to the 
pole antarticke, whether the ilandes or firme landes 
founde or to be founde were towardes the Indies or 
towardes any other quarter ; intendinge, nevertheles, 
that this line be distant an hundred leagues towardes 
the West and the Southe from the iles which are 
comonly called the Azores, or those of Cape Verd : 
to this wee aunswer, that here wee are firste 
to consider that yt was no marvell that his Holi- 
nes, beinge a Spaniarde borne, sett aparte all other 
respectes of justice and equitie, and of his mere 



140 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

motion and francke liberalitie was ready to raise and 
advaunce his ovvne nation, with doinge secrete wronge 
and injurie as moche as in him laye, and more, unto 
all other Princes of Christendome. For what els 
can those wordes importe, that he did it also for cer- 
ten secrete causes, but give us juste cause to suspect 
that there wanted uprighte, indifferent, and sincere 
dealinges] And surely, if he had ment uprightly, he 
woulde have delte more plainely ; for truthe seketh no 
secrete corners. But if you will have me to reveale 
those secrete causes, to say as the thinge was, they 
were nothinge else but the feare and jelousie that he 
had, that Kinge Henry the vij*.^ of England, with 
whome Bartholmewe Columbus had bene to deale in 
this enterprice, and even aboute this time had con- 
cluded with the Kinge upon all pointes and articles, 
whoe even nowe was readie to sende him into Spaine 
to call his brother Christopher into England, shoulde 
put a foote into this action ; which, if he had don, he 
shoulde bothe have share with the Spaniardes in the 
profitt, and greatly ecclips their honour and glorie. 
Also, he coulde not choose but be privie to the longe 
conference that Christopher Columbus had before 
time with the Kinge of Portingale, and offer which 
he made firste of all to the said Kinge of this dis- 
covery, whoe thoughe at the firste delte doubly with 
Columbus, and sent other to finde oute that thinge 
which Columbus offered, yet, they missinge of their 
purpose, the Kinge of Portingale woulde have em- 
ployed Columbus, and delte effectually with him to 
that ende ; but he conceavinge a greate displeasure 



WESTERNE PLA>'TESG. 14-1 

againste the Kinge and his nation for his secrete 
seekinge to defraude him of his honour, and benefite 
of his offer, stole prively onte of his realme into Cas- 
tile. But the Pope, fearinge that either the Kinge of 
Portingale mighte be reconciled to Columbus, or that 
he mighte be drawen into England, by interposinge 
of his usurped aucthoritie, thoughte secretly, by his 
unlawfull division, to defraude England and Portin- 
gale of that benefite. Loe, these were indeede those 
secrete causes, sodenly, withoute makinge the other 
Kinges privie, to make his general! and universall 
donation of all the West Indies to the Kinges of 
Spaine, by drawinge a lyne of partition from one 
pole unto another, passinge a hundred leagues west- 
warde of the lies of Azores ; which division, ho we 
God caused to be deryded by the mouthe of a poor, 
simple childe, Fraunces Lopez de Gomera, one of 
the Spaniardes owne historiographers, dothe speci- 
ally note in manner folio winge : Before I finishe this 
chapiter (saieth he), I will recite, to recreate the reader, 
that which happened, upon this partition, to the Por- 
tingales. As Fraunces de Melo, Diego Lopes of 
Sequeria, and others, came to this assembly, and passed 
the river by Quidiana, a little infant that kepte his 
mothers clothes, which she had washt and honge 
abroade to drye, demaunded of them, whether they 
were those that shoulde come to devide the worlde 
with the Emperour ; and as they answered yea, he 
tooke up his shirte behinde and shewed them his but- 
tocks, sayenge unto them : Drawe your lyne throughe 
the middest of this place. This, saieth the author, 



142 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

was published in contempte all abroade, bothe in the 
towne of Badayos and also in the assemblye of these 
committies. The Portingales were greately angrie 
therewithal!, but the rest turned yt to a jest and 
laughed yt oute. 

But what wise man seeth not that God by that 
childe laughed them to scorne, and made them ridicu- 
lous and their partition in the eyes of the worlde and 
in their owne consciences, and caused the childe to 
reprove them, even as the dombe beaste, speakinge 
with mans voyce, reproved the foolishnes of Balam 
the Prophett ! 

4. The fourthe pointe which I purpose to touche, 
is the forme and manner of the stile of the donation 
itselfe, after a large preface and connynge preamble ; 
and that begynneth in this manner : Wee therefore, 
by the aucthoritie of God Almightie, which is geven 
to us in the person of Saincte Peter, and which wee 
enjoye in this worlde as the vicar of Jhesus Christe, 
give unto you all the ilandes and firme landes, with 
their seigniories, cities, castells, &c. In w^hich repe- 
tition of his donation the seconde time for failinge, 
he woulde shewe unto the worlde by what aucthori- 
tie and warrant he gave away from all the Indians 
their landes, contries, seigniories, cities, castells, 
places, villages, righte, jurisdictions, and all other 
appurtenaunces and thinges belonginge to the same, 
to the Kinges of Spaine onely, and to their heires and 
successours for ever. This usurped aucthoritie, as I 
have plainely confuted and denied in the begynnynge, 
so nowe, in a worde or twoo, I will shewe, that God 



WESTERN E PLANTING. 143 

never gave unto the Popes any siiche aucthoritie. 
The chefest and greatest aucthoritie that ever was 
geven by Christe to Peter, is mentioned in the 16. Matth:i6. 
chapiter of St. Mathewe, where Christe saieth unto 
him: I will give unto thee the keyes of the King- 
dome of heaven, and whatsoever thou shalte binde 
in earthe shalbe bounde in heaven, and whatsoever 
thou shalte loose in earthe shalbe loosed in heaven. 
St. Hierome, expoundinge of this place, saieth, that 
the priestes or bisshopps duetie and aucthoritie of the 
keyes, to binde or loose, is to knowe and declare by 
the holy Scripture, and by the judgemente of the 
Catholicque Churche, where and whoe he is that hath 
offended againste the will of God, and whoe beinge 
once a Christian is fallen from the societie, or gone 
astraye oute of the pathe and waye of the Churche. 
These are the trewe keyes and twoo swordes which 
God hath put into prestos handes. And Peter Lom- 
barde, the Master of the Sentences, one of their owne 
doctors, is of St. Hieromes opinion. And what auc- 
thoritie in the place above recited Christe comitted 
unto Peter, the same gave he also unto all the rest of 
his Apostles, John 20. verse 21. sayenge to them all: 
Whoesoever synnes yee remitte, they are remitted unto 
them ; and whoesoever synnes yee retaine, they are 
retained. But that either Peter or any of the Apos- 
tles did teache or affirme, that they had aucthoritie to 
give awaye kingdomes of heathen Princes to those 
that were so farr from havinge any interest in them, 
that they knewe not whether there were any suche 
contries in the worlde or noe, I never reade nor 



144 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

hearde, nor any mane else, as I verely beleve. Which 
moste injuste and wrongfull dealinge of the Pope was 
notably confuted by Atabalipa, beinge an infidell. 
For after Fryer Vincent of Valverde, of the companie 
and traine of Pi9ar, had made an oration to him, the 
some whereof was that he shoulde become a Chris- 
tyan, and that he shoulde obey the Pope and the Em- 
peror, to whome the Pope had geven his kingdome, 
Atabalipa, beinge greately insensed, replied, that, see- 
inge he was nowe free, he woulde not become tribu- 
tarye, nor thincke that there was any greater lorde 
then himselfe ; but that he was willinge to be the 
Emperor's frende and to have his acquaintaunce, 
for that he muste nodes be some greate lorde that 
sente so many armies abroade into the worlde. He 
aunswered, moreover, that he woulde not in any wise 
obey the Pope, seinge he gave away that which be- 
longed to another, moche lesse that he woulde leave 
his kingdome, that came unto him by inheritaunce, 
to one which he had never seene in his life. And 
whereas Fryer Vincent, beinge displeased at his re- 
ply e, was gladd to seeke any waye to wreake his 
anger upon him, insomoche as when Atabalipa lett 
his portesse fall to the grounde, he was so testye 
that he sett Pi9ar and his souldiers forwardes, cry- 
enge, Vengeaunce, Christians, vengeaunce ! give the 
chardge upon them ; whereby many Indians, withoute 
resistaunce, or any stroke stricken on their partes, 
were moste pitefully murdred and massacred, and 
Atabalipa himselfe taken, and afterwardes trecher- 
ously put to deathe ; this Frier himselfe, by Gods 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 145 

juste judgemente, was afterwardes beaten to deathe 
with clubbes by the inhabitantes of Puna, as he 
fledd from Don Diego de Almagre, as Fraunces 
Lopez de Gomera precisely and of purpose noteth, 
libro 5. cap. 85. of his Generall Historie of the 
Indies ; and, besides him, all the reste of the chefe 
that were the executioners of his rashe counsell, and 
of the Popes Donation, came to moste wretched and 
unfortunate endes, as the aforesaide author there set- 
teth downe in twoo severall chapiters of Considera- 
tions, as he calleth them. 

Moreover, since the fourme of the donation ronneth 
not absolutely, but with this condition and chardge 
moste straightly enjoyned, viz., that the Kinges of 
Spaine shoulde sende thither sober and godly men, 
and cause the inhabitantes of those contries dis- 
covered or to be discovered to be instructed in the 
Catholicque faithe, and noseled in goodd manners, 
and that they shoulde carefully applye themselves 
thereunto ; wee answer, that these conditions have 
bene wonderfully neglected, and that neither the peo- 
ple have bene carefully instructed in relligion nor 
manners, and consequently that the conditions beinge 
not perfourmed the donation oughte of righte to be 
voide. For the Kinges of Spaine have sent suche 
helhoundes and wolves thither as have not converted, 
but almoste quite subverted them, and have rooted 
oute above fiftene millions of reasonable creatures, 
as Bartholmewe de Casas, the Bisshoppe of Chiapa 
in the West Indies, a Spaniarde borne, dothe write 
at large in a whole volume of that argumente. And 

19 



146 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

Gonsaluo de Ouiedo, another of their owne histori- 
ographers, and Capitaine of the Castle of Sancto Do- 
mingo in Hispaniola, affirmeth the like : For there 
hath Spaniardes come into these contries, saieth he, 
which, havinge lefte their consciences and all feare of 
God and men behinde them, have plaied the partes 
not of men, but of dragons and infidells, and, havinge 
no respecte of humanitie, have bene the cause that 
many Indians, that peradventure mighte have bene 
converted and saved, are deade by divers and sondrie 
kindes of deathes. And althoughe those people had 
not bene converted, yet if they had bene lett to live, 
they mighte have bene profitable to your Majestic 
and an aide unto the Christians, and certaine partes 
of the lande shoulde not wholy have bene disinhabited, 
which by this occasion are altogether in a manner 
dispeopled. And they that have bene the cause of 
suche destruction call this contrie thus dispeopled and 
wasted, the contrie conquered and pacified ; but I 
call it, quoth Gonsaluo, the contrie which is destroyed 
and ruyned ; yea, so farr have they bene of from 
drawinge the Indians to the likinge of Christianitie 
and true Relligion, that the sentence of the Apostle 
may moste truly be verified of them, whoe saieth : 
The name of God is blasphemed amonge the Gen- 
tiles throughe you ; ff'or proofe whereof you shall not 
nede to reade but that which Peter Benzo of Milan 
hath written, whoe remayned in these Indies, and 
served in the warres with the Spaniardes againste the 
Indians for the space of fourtene yeres. This Benzo 
saieth that the Indians, not havinge studied logicke, 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 147 

concluded very pertinently and catagorically, that the 
Spaniardes, which spoiled their contrie, were more 
dano:erous then wilde beastes, more furious then 
lyons, more fearefull and terrible then fire and water, 
or any thinge that is moste outeragious in the worlde. 
Some also called them the fome of the sea, others 
gave them names of the beastes which are moste 
cruell and lyvinge of praye which they have in their 
contrie. There were some likewise that called them 
Tuira, as one would say, the Devills goodd grace. 

Those thinges beinge thus, whoe seeth not that the 
Pope is frustrated of the ende which he intended in 
his Donation, and so the same oughte not to take 
effecte ? 

5. Ffiftly, yf yt be true and that the Pope mente 
goodd earnest, that all Emperours and Kinges which 
shoulde sende their subjectes or others to discover 
withoute the Kinge of Spaines leave shoulde be ex- 
communicated by him, why did he not firste excom- 
municate Kinge Henry the Seaventh for sendinge 
furthe Sebastian Gabota with three hundred Eng- 
lishemen, whoe, by Gomera his owne confession, dis- 
covered from 58. degrees in the northe to 38. degrees 
towardes the equinoctiall ? Why did he not the like 
to Kinge Henry the Eighte for sendinge to discover 
westwarde, in the xix':'' yere of his reigne, while he 
was yet in obedience to the Churche of Rome ? Why 
was he not offended and incensed againste Queene 
Mary, whoe suffred her subjectes, in the yere 1556. to 
seke oute, by the northeaste, the way to Cathaio and 
China, which are bothe within the pretended lymites 



148 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

of his donation, as John Gaetan and other Spaniardes 
doe write? Why did he not exercise his censures 
ecclesiasticall againste the Kinge of Ffraunce, Fraun- 
ces the Firste, for sendinge fur the Verarsanus twise 
or thrise, laques Cartier twise, and E,obervall once, to- 
wardes the southwest and northwest ? Why was not 
Henry the Seconde of Fraunce excommunicated for 
sendinge Villegagnon to inhabite in Brasill under the 
tropicke of Capricorne ? Or Charles the IX*'' for aid- 
ing Ribault firste, and after Ladoniere, and a thirde 
tyme Ribault, to fortifie and inhabite in Florida 1 Or 
why did he not thunder againste Emanuell, Kinge of 
Portingale, for sufFringe Gasper Corterealis twise to 
seeke to finde oute the northweste passage, and one 
of his brothers another time afterwarde ? Or where- 
fore did he not openly rebuke the Kinge of Den- 
marke for sufFringe his subjecte, John Scolno, a 
Dane, in the yere 1500. to seke the Straighte by the 
northweste, of whome Gemma Frisius, and Hiero- 
nymo Giraua, a Spaniarde, make mention 1 Or what 
shoulde be the reason that all these kinges of Eng- 
land, Fraunce, Portingale, and Denmarke, beinge 
otherwise all at these times in obedience of the 
Churche of Rome, shoulde, withoute consente as yt 
were, disanull and never make accompte of this Bull 
of the Pope ? which thinge doubtles they woulde never 
have don, yf they had bene fully perswaded in their 
consciences, that if any Prince or Emperour, of what 
estate or condition soever, shoulde attempte the con- 
trary, as it is in the conclusion of the said Bull, he 
shoulde be assured to incurr the indignation of 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 149 

Almightie God and of the Apostles St. Peter and St. 
Pawle. Bat nowe, seinge all the kmges aforesaide 
sente all then* subjectes to discover beyonde the 
Popes partition lyne withoute the leave or permission 
of the Spaniarde, they seme with one accorde to tes- 
tifie unto the worlde, that they made no reconynge of 
the breache of that Bull, as of an acte moste unjuste, 
moste unreasonable, and moste prejudiciall to all 
other Christian princes of the worlde. 

Againe ; yt were small charitie in the Popes to 
curse those Princes that have bene or are willinge 
to employe their treasures and people in advauncinge 
the honour and glory of God, and the lawfull enrich- 
inge and benefite of their people. And whatsoever 
Pope shoulde excommunicate or curse any Christian 
prince for seekinge to reduce to the knowledge of 
God and to civill manners those infinite multitudes 
of infidells and heathen people of the West Indies, 
which the Spaniardes in all this time have not so 
moche as discovered, moche less subdued or con- 
verted, his curse woulde lighte upon his owne heade, 
and, to those which he cursed undeservedly, woulde 
be turned to a blessinge. 

To be shorte ; thoughe Pope Alexander the vj*!^ by 
his unequall division, hath so puffed upp and in- 
flamed with pride his moste ambitious and insatiable 
contrymen, that they are growen to this high conceite 
of themselves, that they shall shortly attaine to be 
lordes and onely seigniors of all the earthe, inso- 
moche as Gonsaluo de Ouiedo sticketh not to write 
to Charles the Emperour, sayenge : God hath geven 



150 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

you these Indies accio che vostra Maiesta sia uniuer- 
sale et unico monarcha del mondo — to the intente 
that your Majestie shoulde be the universall and onely 
monarch of the worlde ; yet God that sitteth in 
heaven laugheth them and their partitions to scorne, 
and he will abase and bringe downe their proud e 
lookes, and humble their faces to the duste ; yea, he 
will make them, at his goodd time and pleasure, to 
confesse that the earthe was not made for them one- 
ly ; as he hath already shewed unto the Portingales, 
which, not longe since, takinge upon them to devide 
the worlde with lynes, doe nowe beholde the line of 
Gods juste judgemente drawen over themselves and 
their owne kingdome and possessions. And nowe, 
no doubte, many of them remember that the threat- 
eninge of the prophet hath taken holde upon them, 
whoe pronounceth an heavie woe againste all suche 
as spoile, because they themselves shall at length be 
spoiled. 

6. Finally, to come to the sixte and laste pointe, 
yf you consider what recompence the Kinges of 
Spaine have made to the Popes for this so greate 
a benefite bestowed upon them, you shall easely see 
and acknowledge with me, that they were either moste 
ungrateful, or, which is moste likely, that they never 
thoughte that they helde the Indies as the Popes 
gifte unto them, or that their title unto those regions 
depended upon his francke almes or liberalitie ; ffor, 
if they had don soe, they coulde have done no lesse 
but have geven him the presentation of all arche- 
bisshopricks and bisshoprickes, and other greate 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 151 

ecclesiastical promotions in recompence of their for- 
«ier and large curtesie, wherein they have don the 
flatt contrary, reservinge onely unto themselves the 
presentation and patronage of all the archebisshop- 
ricks and bisshopricks that they have erected in the 
West Indies ; ifor, as Gomera saieth in his 6. booke 
and 23. chapiter of his Generall Historie of the In- 
dies, the Kinge of Spaine is patrone of all the arche- 
bisshoj)rickes, bysshoprickes, dignities, and benefices 
of the West Indies, and so he onely appointeth and 
presenteth them, so that he is absolute lorde of the 
Indies. 

This argueth that the Kinges of Spaine never made 
any greate accompte of the Popes' Donation, but onely 
to blinde the eyes of the worlde with the sea of 
Home ; ffor doubtles, if they had acknowledged their 
tenure to depende, as I saied, of the Popes mere lib- 
eralitie, they woulde have don otherwise, and woulde 
have requited them farr otherwise then by excludinge 
them quite oute, and makinge themselves absolute 
patrones of all ecclesiasticall dignities whatsoever. 



152 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. XX. % bvcic collection of certaine reasons to induce her Majestic 
and the state to take in hande the westerne voyadge and 
the plantinge there. 

1. ^f)0 BOgle yeldeth, and may be made to yelde, 
all the severall comodities of Europe, and of all 
kingdomes, domynions, and territories that England 
tradeth withe, that by trade of marchandize cometh 
into this realme. 

2. The passage thither and home is neither to 
longe nor to shorte, but easie, and to be made tvvise 
in the yere. 

3. The passage cutteth not nere the trade of any 
prince, nor nere any of their contries or territories, 
and is a safe passage, and not easie to be annoyed by 
prince or potentate whatsoever. 

4. The passage is to be perfourmed at all times of 
the yere, and in that respecte passeth our trades in 
the Levant Seas within the Straites of Juberalter, and 
the trades in the seas within the Kinge of Denmarkes 
Straite, and the trades to the portes of Norwey and 
of Russia, &c. ; for as in the south weste Straite there 
is no passage in somer by lacke of windes, so within 
the other places there is no passage in winter by yse 
and extreme colde. 

5. And where England nowe for certen hundreth 
yeres last passed, by the peculiar comoditie of wolles, 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 153 

and of later yeres by clothinge of the same, hath 
raised it selfe from meaner state to greater wealthe 
and moche higher honour, mighte, and power then 
before, to the equaUinge of the princes of the same 
to the greatest potentates of this parte of the worlde ; 
it Cometh nowe so to passe, that by the greate en- 
devour of the increase of the trade of wolles in Spaine 
and in the West Indies, nowe daily more and more 
multiplienge, that the wolles of England, and the 
clothe made of the same, will become base, and every 
day more base then other ; which, prudently weyed, 
yt behoveth this realme, yf it meane not to returne to 
former olde meanes and basenes, but to stande in 
present and late former honour, glorye, and force, 
and not negligently and sleepingly to slyde into beg- 
gery, to foresee and to plante at Norumbega or some 
like place, were it not for any thing els but for the 
hope of the vent of our woll indraped, the principall 
and in effecte the onely enrichinge contynueinge nat- 
urall comoditie of this realme. And effectually pur- 
sueinge that course, wee shall not onely finde on that 
tracte of lande, and especially in that firme north- 
warde (to whome warme clothe shalbe righte well- 
come), an ample vente, but also shall, from the north 
side of that firme, finde oute knowen and unknowen 
ilandes and domynions replenished with people that 
may fully vent the aboundaunce of that our comoditie, 
that els will in fewe yeres waxe of none or of small 
value by forreine aboundaunce, &c. ; so as by this 
enterprice wee shall shonne the ymmynent mischefe 
hanginge over our heades, that els muste nedes fall 

20 



154 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

upon the realme, without breache of peace or sworde 
drawen againste this realme by any forreine state ; and 
not offer our auncient riches to scornefuU neighboures 
at home, nor sell the same in effecte for nothinge, as 
wee shall shortly, if presently it be not provaided for. 
The increase of the wolles of Spaine and America is 
of highe pollicie, with greate desire of our overthrowe, 
endevoured ; and the goodnes of the forren wolles our 
people will not enter into the consideration of, nor 
will not beleve aughte, they be so sotted with opin- 
ion of their owne ; and, yf it be not foresene and some 
such place of vent provided, farewell the goodd state 
of all degrees in this realme. 

6. This enterprise may staye the Spanishe Kinge 
from flowinge over all the face of that waste firme 
of America, yf wee seate and plante there in time, 
in tyme I say, and wee by plantinge shall lett him 
from makinge more shorte and more safe returnes 
oute of the noble portes of the purposed places of our 
plantinge, then by any possibilitie he can from the 
parte of the firme that nowe his navies by ordinary 
courses come from, in this that there is no comparison 
betwene the portes of the coastes that the Kinge of 
Spaine dothe nowe possesse and use, and the portes 
of the coastes that our nation is to possesse by plant- 
inge at Norumbega, and on that tracte faste by, more 
to the northe and northeaste, and in that there is 
from thence a moche shorter course, and a course 
of more temperature, and a course that possesseth 
more contynuaunce of ordinary windes, then the 
present course of the Spanishe Indian navies nowe 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 



155 



dothe. And England possessinge the purposed 
place of plantinge, her Majestie may, by the bene- 
fete of the seate, havinge wonne goodd and royall 
havens, have plentie of excellent trees for mastes, 
of goodly timber to builde shippes and to make greate 
navies, of pitche, tarr, hempe, and all thinges inci- 
dent for a navie royall, and that for no price, and 
withoute money or request. Howe easie a matter 
may yt be to this realme, swarminge at this day with 
vaUant youth es, rus tinge and hurtfull by lacke of em- 
ployment, and havinge goodd makers of cable and of 
all sortes of cordage, and the best and moste con- 
nynge shipwrights of the worlde, to be lordes of all 
those sees, and to spoile Phillipps Indian navye, and 
to deprive him of yerely passage of his treasure into 
Europe, and consequently to abate the pride of Spaine 
and of the supporter of the greate Antechriste of 
Eome, and to pull him downe in equallitie to his 
'neighbour princes, and consequently to cutt of the 
common mischefes that come to all Europe by the 
peculiar aboundaunce of his Indian treasure, and 
thiss withoute difficultie. 

7. This voyadge, albeit it may be accomplished by 
barke or smallest pynnesse for advise or for a neces- 
sitie, yet for the distaunce, for burden and gaine in 
trade, the marchant will not for profitts sake use it 
but by shippes of greate burden ; so as this realme 
shall have by that meane shippes of greate burden 
and of greate strengthe for the defence of this realme, 
and for the defence of that newe seate, as nede shall 
require, and withall greate increase of perfecte sea- 



156 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

men, which greate princes in time of warres wante, 
and which kinde of men are neither nourished in 
fewe daies nor in fewe yeres. 

8. This newe navie of mightie newe stronge shippes, 
so in trade to that Norumbega and to the coastes 
there, shall never be subjecte to arreste of any prince 
or potentate, as the navie of this realme from time to 
time hath bene in the portes of thempire, in the 
portes of the Base Gentries, in Spaine, Fraunce, Por- 
tingale, &c., in the tymes of Charles the Emperour, 
Fraunces the Frenche kinge, and others ; but shall 
be alvvayes free from that bitter mischeefe, withoute 
grefe or hazarde to the marchaunte or to the state, 
and so alwaies readie at the comaundement of the 
prince with mariners, artillery, armor, and munition, 
ready to offende and defende as shalbe required. 

9. The greate masse of wealthe of the realme im- 
barqued in the marchantes shippes, caried oute in 
this newe course, shall not lightly, in so farr distant 
a course from the coaste of Europe, be driven by 
windes and tempestes into portes of any forren 
princes, as the Spanishe shippes of late yeres have 
bene into our portes of the Weste Gentries, &c.; and 
so our marchantes in respecte of private state, and 
of the realme in respecte of a generall safetie from 
venture of losse, are by this voyadge oute of one 
greate mischefe. 

10. No forren commoditie that comes into England 
comes withoute payment of custome once, twise, or 
thrise, before it come into the realme, and so all 
forren comodities become derer to the subjectes of this 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 157 

realme; and by this course to Norumbega forren 
princes custom es are avoided ; and the forren comodi- 
ties cheapely purchased, they become cheape to the 
subjectes of England, to the common benefite of the 
people, and to the savinge of greate treasure in the 
realme; whereas nowe the realme becomethe poore 
by the purchasinge of forreine comodities in so greate 
a masse at so excessive prices. 

11. At the firste traficque with the people of those 
partes, the subjectes of this realme for many yeres 
shall chaunge many cheape comodities of these 
partes for thinges of highe valor there not estemed ; 
and this to the greate inrichinge of the realme, if 
common use faile not. 

12. By the greate plentie of those regions the mar- 
chantes and their factors shall lye there cheape, buys 
and repaire their shippes cheape, and shall returne 
at pleasure withoute staye or restrainte of forreine 
prince ; whereas upon stales and restraintes the mar- 
chaunte raiseth his chardge in sale over of his ware ; 
and, buyenge his wares cheape, he may mainteine 
trade with smalle stocke, and withoute takinge upp 
money upon interest ; and so he shalbe riche and not 
subjecte to many hazardes, but shalbe able to afforde 
the comodities for cheape prices to all subjectes of 
the realme. 

13. By makinge of shippes and by preparinge of 
thinges for the same, by makinge of cables and cord- 
age, by plan tinge of vines and olive trees, and by 
makinge of wyne and oyle, by husbandrie, and by 
thousandes of thinges there to be done, infinite nom- 



158 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

bers of the Englishe nation may be set on worke, to 
the unburclenynge of the realme with many that nowe 
lyve chardgeable to the state at home. 

14. If the sea coste serve for makinge of salte, and 
the inland for wine, oiles, oranges, lymons, figges, 
&c., and for makinge of yron, all which with moche 
more is hoped, withoute sworde drawen, wee shall 
cutt the combe of the Frenche, of the Spanishe, of 
the Portingale, and of enemies, and of doubtful! 
frendes, to the abatinge of their wealthe and force, 
and to the greater savinge of the wealthe of the 
realme. 

15. The substaunces servinge, wee may oute of 
those partes receave the masse of wrought wares 
that now wee receave out of Fraunce, Flaunders, 
Germanye, &c.; and so wee may daunte the pride of 
some enemies of this realme, or at the leaste in parte 
purchase those wares, that nowe wee buye derely of 
the Frenche and Flemynge, better cheape; and in 
the ende, for the parte that this realme was wonte to 
receave, dryve them oute of trade to idlenes for the 
settinge of our people on worke. 

16. Wee shall by plan tinge there inlarge the glory 
of the gospell, and from England plants sincere rel- 
ligion, and provide a safe and a sure place 'to receave 
people from all partes of the worlde that are forced 
to flee for the truthe of Gods worde. 

17. If frontier warres there chaunce to aryse, and 
if thereupon wee shall fortifie, yt will occasion the 
trayninge upp of our youthe in the discipline of 
warr, and make a nomber fitt for the service of the 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 159 

wanes and for the defence of our people there and 
at home. 

18. The Spaniardes governe in the Indies with all 
pride and tyranie ; and like as when people of con- 
trarie nature at the sea enter into gallies, where men 
are tied as slaves, all yell and crye with one voice, 
Liberia^ liberta, as desirous of libertie and freedome, 
so no doubte whensoever the Queene of England, a 
prince of such clemencie, shall seate upon that tirme 
of America, and shalbe reported throughe oute all 
that tracte to use the naturall people there with all 
humanitie, curtesie, and freedome, they will yelde 
themselves to her governement, and revolte cleane 
from the Spaniarde, and specially when they shall 
understande that she hathe a noble navie, and that she 
aboundeth with a people moste valiaunte for theyr 
defence. And her Majestic havinge Sir i'raunces 
Drake and other subjectes already in credite with the 
Symerons, a people or greate multitude alreadye re- 
volted from the Spanishe governemente, she may with 
them and a fewe hundrethes of this nation, trayned 
upp in the late warres of Fraunce and Flaunders, 
bringe greate thinges to passe, and that with greate 
ease ; and this broughte so aboute, her Majestie and 
her subjectes may bothe enjoye the treasure of the 
mynes of golde and silver, and the whole trade and 
all the gaine of the trade of marchandize, that nowe 
passeth thither by the Spaniardes onely hande, of all 
the comodities of Europe ; which trade of marchan- 
dize onely were of it selfe suffycient (withoute the 
benefite of the riche myne) to inriche the subjectes, 



160 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 

and by ciistomes to fill her Majesties coffers to the 
full. And if it be highe pollicie to mayneteyne the 
poore people of this realme in worke, I dare affirme 
that if the poore people of England were five times 
so many as they be, yet all mighte be sett on worke 
in and by workinge lynnen, and suche other thinges 
of marchandize as the trade into the Indies dothe 
require. 

19. The present shorte trades causeth the maryner 
to be cast of, and ofte to be idle, and so by povertie 
to fall to piracie. But this course to Norumbega 
beinge longer, and a contynuaunce of themploymente 
of the maryner, dothe kepe the maryner from ydlenes 
and from necessitie ; and so it cutteth of the prin- 
cipal actions of piracie, and the rather because no 
riche praye for them to take cometh directly in their 
course or any thing nere their course. 

20. Many men of excellent wittes and of divers 
singuler giftes, overthrowen by suertishippe, by sea, 
or by some folly of youthe, that are not able to live 
in England, may there be raised againe, and doe their 
contrie goodd service ; and many nedefuU uses there 
may (to greate purpose) require the savinge of greate 
nombers, that for trifles may otherwise be devoured 
by the gallowes. 

21. Many souldiers and servitours, in the ende of 
the warres, that mighte be hurtfull to this realme, 
may there be unladen, to the common profite and 
quiet of this realme, and to our forreine benefite 
there, as they may be employed. 

22. The frye of the wandringe beggars of England, 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 161 

that growe upp ydly, and hurtefull and burdenous to 
this realme, may there be unladen, better bredd upp, 
and may people waste contries to the home and for- 
reine benefite, and to their owne more happy state. 

23. If Englande crie oute and affirme, that there 
is so many in all trades that one cannot live for an- 
other, as in aU places they doe, this Norumbega (if it 
be thoughte so goodd) offreth the remedie. 



21 



162 



DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Cap. XXI. ^ uotc of some thinges to be prepared for the voyadge, which is 
sett downe rather to drawe the takers of the voyadge in 
hande to the presente consideration, then for any other 
reason ; for that divers thinges require preparation longe 
before the voyadge, withoute the which the voyadge is 
maymed. 





Tumep Seede. 




DEADE VICTUALL. 


Passeneape Sede. 




Hoggs fleshe, barrelled and salted, 


Radishe. 




in greate quantitie. 


Cariott. 




Befe, barrelled, in lesse quantitie. 


Naviewes. 




Stockfishe, Meale in barrells. 


Garlicke. 




Oatemeale, in barrells, nere cowch- 


Onyons. 




ed. 


Leekes, 




Ryse, Sallett Oile, barrelled Butter. 


Melons. 




Cheese, Hony in barrells. 


Pompions. 


VICTUALL 


Currans, Raisons of the sonne. 


Cowcombers. 


BY 


Dried Prunes, Olives In barrells. 


Cabage Cole. 


ROOTES 


Beanes, dryed on the kill. 


Parseley. 


AND 


Pease, dried likewise. 


Lettis. 


HERBES. 


Canary Wines, Hollocke. 


Endiffe. 




Sacks racked. 


Alexander. 




Vmeger, very stronge. 


Orege. 




Aqua Vitae. 


Tyme. 




Syders of Ffraunce, Spaine, and 


Rosemary. 




England. 


Mustard Seede. 




Bere, brewed specially in speciall 


Pennell. 




tynie. 


Anny Seedes, newe 
and fresbe to be 
sowen. 





AYESTERNE PLANTING. 



THE INCREASE. REXEWE, AND THE CONTrN'EWE OF VICTUALL AT THE 
PLANTINGE PLACES, AND MEN AND THINGES INCIDENT AND TEND- 
INGE TO THE SAME. 



Bores, Sowes. 

Conies, Bucke and Dowe. 

Doves, male and female. 

Cockes, Hennes. 

Duckes, male and female, for lowe 

soiles. 
Tnrkies, male and female. 
"Wheat, Rye, Barley. 
Bigge, or Barley Bere. 
Oates, Beanes. 
Pease, Ffacches. 
Three square Graine. J 



To sowe to 

\attell by 

breade and 

drinke, 

&c. 



Suger cane planters with the plantes. 

Vyne planters. 

Olyve planters. 

Gardiners for herbes, rootes, and 

for all earthe frutes. 
Graffers for frute trees. 
Hunters, skilfuU to kill wilde beasts 

for vittell. 
Warryners to breede conies and to 

kill vermyn. 
Fowlers. 
Sea Fisshers. 
Fresh water Fisshers. 
Knytters of netts. 
Butchers. 

Salters and seasoners of vittell. 
Salte makers. 
Cookes. 
Bakers. 
Brewers. 

Greyhoundes to kill deere, &c. 
Mastives to kill heavie beastes of 

ravyne and for nighte watches. 
Blonde houndes to recover hurte 

dere. 



PH0VI8I0NS TENDINGE TO FORCE. 



Men experte in the arte of fortification. 

Platformes of many formes redled to carry with you by advise of the best. 

Capitaines of longe and of greate experience. 

Souldiers well trajTied in FHaunders to joyne w^ith the younger. 

Marqiibusshiers of skill. 

Archers, stronge bowmen, 

Bowj'ers. 

Ffletchers. 

Arrow head makers. 

Bow stave preparers. 



164 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



Glew makers. 

Morryce pike makers and of halbert staves. 

Makers of spades and shovells for pyoners, trentchers, and forte makers 

Makers of basketts to cary earths to fortes and rampiers. 

Pioners and spademen for fortification. 

Salte peter makers. 

Gonne powder makers. 

Targett makers of homes, defensive againste savages. 

Oylethole doublett makers, defensive, lighte and gentle to lye in. 

Turners of targetts of elme, and of other toughe woodds lighte. 

Shippes, 

furnished with experte Seamen 



Pynnesses, 

Barkes, 

Busses with flatt botoms, 

Swifte boates and barges to passe by winde and oare, covered with 
quilted canvas of defence againste shott from the shoare, to perce 
ryvers for discoverie, and to passe to and froe, offensive and defen- 
sive againste savages, devised by Mr. Bodenham of Spaiue. 

Shipwinghts in some nomber to be employed on the timber. 

Oare makers, and makers of cable and of cordage. 



PROVISIONS INCIDENT TO THE FIRSTE TRATICQUE AND TRADE OP 
MARCHANDIZE. 

Grubbers and rooters upp of cipres, cedars, and of all other faire trees, 

for to be employed in coffers, deskes, &c., for traficque. 
Mattocks, narrowe and longe, of yron, to that purpose. 
Millwrights, to make milles for spedy and cheape sawinge of timber and 

boardes for trade, and firste traficque of suertie. 
Millwrights, for corne milles. 
Sawyers, for comon use. 
Carpinters, for buildlnges. 
Joyners, to cutt oute the boordes into chests to be imbarqued for 

England. 
Blacksmithes, to many greate and nedefull uses. 
Pitche makers. 
Tarr makers. 

Burners of asshes for the trade of sope asshes. 
Cowpers, for barrells to inclose those asshes. 

Tallow chandlers, to prepare the tallowe to be incasked for England. 
Waxechandlcrs, to prepare waxe in like sorte. 
Diers, to seeke in that firme that riche cochinilho and other thinges for 

that trade. 
Mynerall men. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 165 



ARTESAKES, SERVINGE OUR FIRSTE PLANTERS, NOT IN TRAFICQUE BUT 
FOR BUILDINGES. 

Brick makers. 

Tile makers. 

Lyme makers. 

Bricklayers. 

Tilers. 

Thachers with reede, russhes, broome, or strawe. 

Synkers of walles and finders of springes. 

Quarrellers to digge tile. 

Roughe Masons. 

Carpinters. 

Lathmakers. 



ARTESANES, SERVINGE OUR FIRSTE PLANTERS, AJSfD IN PARTE SERVINGB 
FOR TRAFICQUE. 

B arbors. 

Launders. 

Tailors. 

Botchers. 

Paile makers. 

Burcachiomakers. 

Bottleniakers of London. 

Shoemakers, coblers. 

Tanners, white tawyers. 

BufTe skynne dressers. 

Shame w skynne di'essers. 



A PRESENT PROVISION FOR RAISINGE A NOTABLE TRADE FOR THE 
TIME TO COME. 

The knitt'wollen cappe of Toledo in Spaine, called honetto rugio 
colkrado, so infiuitely soldo to the Moores in Barbarie and Affricke, 
is to be prepared in London, Hereforde, and Rosse, and to be 
vented to the people, and may become a notable trade of gaine to 
the marchaunte, and a greate reliefe to our pooi-e people, and a sale 
of our woll and of our labour ; and beinge suche a cappe that 
every particuler person will buye and may easelie compasse, the 
sale wil be greate in shorte time, especially if our people weare 
them at their firste arryvull there. 



166 DISCOURSE CONCERNING 



THINGES FORGOTTEN MAY HERE BE NOTED AS THEY COME TO AIYNDE, 
AND AFTER BE PLACED WITH THE REST, AND AFTER THAT IN AIX 
BE REDUCED INTO THE BEST ORDER. 

That there be appointed one or twoo preachers for the voyadge, 
that God may be honoured, the people instructed, mutinies the bet- 
ter avoided, and obedience the better used, that the voyadge may 
have the better successe. 

That the voyadge be furnished with Bibles and with Bookes of 
service. That the bookes of the discoveries and conquests of the 
Easte Indies be carried with you. 

That the bookes of the discoveries of the West Indies, and the 
conquests of the same, be also caried, to kepe men occupied from 
worse cogitations, and to raise their myndes to courage and highe 
enterprizes, and to make them lesse careles for the better shon- 
nynge of comon daungers in suche cases arisinge. And because 
men are more apte to make themselves subjecte in obedience to 
prescribed lawes sett downe and signed by a prince, then to the 
changeable will of any capitaine, be he never so wise or temperate, 
never so free from desire of revenge, it is wisshed that it were 
learned oute what course bothe the Spaniardes and Portingales 
tooke, in their discoveries, for government, and that the same were 
delivered to learned men, that had pased moste of the lawes of th' 
empire and of other princes lawes, and that thereupon some 
epeciall orders, fitt for voyadges and begynnynges, mighte upon de- 
liberation be sett downe and allowed by the Queenes moste excel- 
lent Majestic and her wise counsell ; and, faire ingrossed, mighte in 
a table be sett before the eyes of suche as goe in the voyadge, that 
no man poonished or executed may justly complaine of manifeste 
and open wronge oflTred. 

That some phisition be provided to minister by counsell and by 
phisicke, to kepe and preserve from sicknes, or by skill to cure 
suche as fall into disease and distemperature. 

A surgeon to lett bloude, and for such as may chaunce, by warres 
or otherwise, to be hurte, is more nedefull for the voyadge. 

An apothecarye to serve the phisition is requisite ; and, the phi- 
sition dienge, he may chaunce (well chosen) to stande in steede of 
the one and thother, and to sende into the realme, by seede and 
roote, herbes and plantes of rare excellencie. 



WESTERNE PLANTING. 167 

If suche plentie of honye be in these regions as is saied, yt were 
to goodd purpose to cary in the voyadge suche of the servauntes of 
the Russia Companie as have the skill to make the drincke called 
meth, which they use in Russia and Poland, and nerer, as in North 
Wales, for their wine ; and, if you cannot cary any suche, to cary 
the order of the makinge of yt in writinge, that it may be made for 
a nede. 

And, before many thinges, this one thinge is to be called, as yt 
were, with spede to mynde, that the prisons and corners of London 
are full of decayed marchantes, overthrowen by losse at sea, by 
usuerers, suertishippe, and by sondry other suche meanes, and dare 
or cannot for their debtes shewe their faces ; and in truthe many 
excellent giftes be in many of these men, and their goodd giftes are 
not ymployed to any manner of use, nor are not like of themselves 
to procure libertie to employe themselves, but are, withoute some 
speciall meane used, to starve by wante, or to shorten their tymes 
by thoughte; and for that these men, schooled in the house of 
adversitie, are drawen to a degree higher in excellencye, and may 
be employed to greate uses in this purposed voyadge, yt were to 
greate purpose to use meanes by aucthoritie for suche as maliciously, 
wrongfully, or for trifiinge causes are deteyned, and to take of them 
and of others that hide their heades, and to employe them ; for so 
they may be relieved, and the enterprice furthered in many res- 
pectes. 

And, in choice of all artesanes for the voyadge, this general rule a moste 
were goodd to be observed, that no man be chosen that is knowen °edeful note. 
to be a Papiste, for the speciall inclynation they have of favour to 
the Kinge of Spaine. 

That also, of those artesanes which are Protestantes, that where 
you may have chaunge and choice, that suche as be moste stronge 
and lusty men be chosen, and suche as can best handle his bowe or 
his harquebushe ; for the more goodd giftes that the goers in the 
voyadge have, the more ys the voyadge benefited. And therefore 
(many goinge), yf every mans giftes and goodd qualities be entred 
into a booke before they be receaved, they may be employed upon 
any necessitie in the voyadge in this or in that, accordiuge as occa- 
sion of nede shall require. 

FINIS. 



APPENDIX. 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT'S DISCOURSE. 



NOTE ON THE TITLE-PAGE. 

Compare lines one to five with the second pai-agraph of the 
title of Sir George Peckhara's "True Report." (Hak. III. 165.) 

This sentence, incomplete and iingrammatical as it stands, 
may be corrected as follows : " The greate necessitie that the 
Realme of Englande should take possession of the Westerne 
discoueries lately attempted, and the manifolde comodyties 
which are likely to growe to it from so doing." 

" Discoueries lately attemptedP — Viz., by Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert, in 1583; and by some othei-s previously. 

" Writte^i . . . by Richarde IlacMuyt of Oxforde^ — The 
author elsewhere styles himself more fully " sometime student 
of Christ Church in Oxford," or " Preacher," to distinguish him- 
self from his cousin Richard Hakluyt, of the Middle Temple. 

'■'• Rayhhjr — This way of speUing Raleigh's name is quite 
unique. Cayley, his biographer, says he had " seen the name 
written in thirteen diiferent ways ; " and this differs from either 
of those which he has given. Herrera writes the name " Gual- 
teral," " ingeniously fusing into one his Christian and family 
names." (Motley, Hist, of United Netherlands, III. 381.) Sir 
"Walter himself wrote his name " Ralegh," and is followed by 
Oldys, Edwards, and others. His son Carew adopted the 
spelling "Raleigh," which has come into general use, and is 
hence adopted in this volume. (See Read's Hudson, j^p. 30, 31, 
note.) 

" Nowe Knightr — Mr. Walter Raleigh, on whose request the 
Discourse had been written, had now, at the time when this 
title-page was prefixed to it, been made Knight. The exact 



1 72 APPENDIX. 

date on which the honor of knighthood was conferred on him 
is not recorded. The latest date on which, after careful search, 
he is found to have been, in any official way, styled simply Mr. 
or Esq., is on the 19th December, 1584, on the first reading in 
the House of Lords of the Bill confirming his Patent. (Lords 
Journal, Vol. I. p. 76.) This is one day later than had been 
noticed by Oldys (p. 58). The earliest date on which he is 
found oflicially styled Sir Walter is 24th February, 1585. 
(D'Ewes' Journal, p. 356 ; and Burleigh's Orders to know the 
force of the Stannaries, in St. John's Raleigh, p. 91, ed- 1869.) 
The time at which he was knighted must have been between 
these dates. 

It is affirmed by J. Payne Collier, Esq., that, in the title to 
his copy of Raleigh's Patent, he is styled already Knight ; 
and it is hence argued by him that he was knighted at least 
a year before the time usually assigned to that event. (Arclias- 
ologia. Vol. XXXIV. pp. 145, 146, 1852.) It is sufficient to 
answer that the original Patent Roll, bearing date 25th March, 
1584, has no title or caption (26 Eliz., Pt. I.), and that the 
titles or captions found prefixed to the several reprints or 
copies of this original Patent are the work of the several editors 
or copyists, and stand entirely on their authority ; that the 
captions prefixed to Hakluyt's reprints of this Patent in his 
edition of 1589 (p. 725), and in that of 1600 (III. 243), were 
added by himself. In both these editions, the title is the same ; 
viz., "The Letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Majestic 
to M. Walter Ralegh, now Knight," &c. And it signifies, as 
in our title-page, only this : that, whereas, in the body of 
the original Patent, the Patentee is styled Walter Ralegh, 
Esq., he had now, viz., at the time when this caption was pre- 
fixed, been made Knight. The copy of Raleigh's Patent, which 
Collier speaks of as Ms, can hardly have been made from these 
well-known reprints of Hakluyt, with his caption jsrefixed. It 
was probably taken from that preserved in the Record Office, 
and referred to in Dom. Eliz., Vol. CLXIX. No. 37. To this 
copy the following title is prefixed, viz. : "Letters Patent, from 
Qu. Eliz. to Sir Walter Rawleigh, entitled The Lres Patents 
granted by the Queene's Majestic, to Mr. Walter Raleigh, 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 173 

Knt.," &G. But this copy, as we are assured by Mr. Sainsbury, 
was made by a very inaccurate clerk of Sir Joseph Williamson, 
in the time of Charles II. The caption was doubtless prefixed 
by the clerk. It is needless to say that it cannot justify the 
conclusion drawn from it by Mr. Collier, or any conclusion, 
except that, in the opinion of the clerk who wrote the cap- 
tion, the Walter Raleigh, Esq., of the original Patent, had been 
subsequently knighted. 

It might be added, if it were worth while to argue this point 
further, that not only in the original Patent, but in the State 
Papers referring to it, up to the time of its confirmation by 
Parliament, the Patentee is always styled Walter Raleigh, 
Esq. (See Dom. Eliz., Vol. CLXIX. Nos. 35, 36.) 

" before the C07ny7ige home of his two barkes.^^ — The two 
barks were those which left England 27th April, 1584, under 
the command of Caj^tains Amadas and Barlow, and returned 
" about the middest of September " of the same year. (Hak. 
III. 246, 250.) 

" And is devided into xxi chapiters, the titles whereof fol- 
loioe in the nexte leafeP — The original manuscript of this 
Discourse, written in 1584, and the first (and perhaps the 
second) copy of it made in 1585, were divided into ^wewiy chap- 
ters only, to which were prefixed only twenty titles or heads, 
corresponding to those of our copy. The twenty-first chapter 
and its title were added afterwards, though exactly when is not 
known. 

It thus ajipears that this title-page could not have been 
prefixed to the original Discourse. That was presented to 
Queen Elizabeth by the author two days before his dispatch to 
Paris, after his summer vacation in London ; whereas this title- 
page could not have been written until after the middle of 
September, 1584, when the two barks had returned ; nor until 
after the 19th December of that year, when Raleigh had not 
yet been knighted ; nor until after Easter of 1585, when as yet 
the Discourse was divided into only twenty chapters. 

The original Discourse was called by its author " Mr. Rawley's 
Voyage," and probably bore this title when presented to the 
Queen. The first copy, made for Walsingham, and pre- 
sented to him in 1585, was called "Sir Walter Raleigh's 



174 APPENDIX. 

Voyage to the West Indies," and probably was so designated 
on its title-page. It would be interesting to know at what 
time and on what occasion our more full and descriptive title- 
jjage was substituted. w. 

NOTE ON THE HEADS OF CHAPTERS. 

A copy of the Heads of Chapters of this Discourse, to which 
the twenty-first Head had not yet been added, and which hence 
must have been earlier than ours, is preserved in the Public 
Record Office (Dom. Eliz., Vol. CXCV. No. 127), and is pub- 
lished in full in this Appendix, in ^facsimile. 

It appears from the foot-note subjoined to that earlier copy 
that it was a transcript made from the original manuscript, 
or from a copy of that. Now, on comparing our later copy 
wiih the earlier copy thus preserved, it is found to agree with 
it verbatim et literatim^ so far as that is legible, and where it 
has become illegible supplies exactly the words, the syllables, 
and the letters which have been effixced. From this it fol- 
lows that our Heads of Chapters {i.e. from the first to the 
twentieth inclusive), agreeing thus exactly with a copy certified 
by the author as made by himself, are authenticated as at least 
a faithful copy of the original, and that the several chapters 
to which they are respectively prefixed through the wliole 
Discourse, must also be authentic. 

The several topics suggested in these twenty Heads of Chap- 
ters had, for the most part, been alreadynoticed, by the author 
himself, and by Sir Humphrey Gilbert and his associates in 
their various arguments for this enteq^rise, though in a manner 
less full and systematic. 

But the topics discussed under Heads No. V. to No. XI. in- 
clusive, in which the bearings of this enterprise upon the power 
of the King of Spain are set forth, form an exception to this 
statement ; as they had not been insisted on, and perhaps had 
been designedly omitted, in the previous arguments. During 
the nominal peace which had existed between England and 
Spain for some years previous to the date of this Discourse, 
topics of this nature, however much they may have occupied 
men's thoughts, could not consistently have been openly ad- 




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future date. 



NOTES TO HAKLUYt's DISCOURSE. 175 

vanced. But when, in 1584, war had been virtually proclaimed, 
this reserve was no longer necessary, certainly in a discourse 
intended to be seen only by the Queen and her Councillors. 
On the contrary, just at this juncture of her affairs, these topics, 
in which this enterprise was represented as a prominent part 
of the military plan of the great conflict upon which she was 
then entering, were the ones most likely to gain for it the favor 
of the Queen and of her cabinet. 

But although these topics do not occur in the discourses of 
Hayes, of Carlyle, or of Peckham, they are abundantly set forth 
in those of Sir Walter Raleigh, "subsequently written or pub- 
lished. And, as he had now become the patron of this en- 
terprise, it is not unreasonable to suppose that they were 
added by Hakluyt to those he had previously written under 
other influences, by Raleigh's particular request and direction; 
and, indeed, that they were the means of imparting to the 
enterprise that new character which it soon assumed, more in 
accordance with the present emergency. 

Below are copies of three of the heads of chapters taken 
from the manuscript in the Public Record Ofiice, of which a 
facsimile is published in this appendix : the words and letters 
wanting in those heads or sections being supplied from the 
same sections of this Discourse. To that extent the two lists 
will be found to agree ; and the reader who has a curiosity to 
compare the remainder of the heads of chapters in the two lists, 
will find a like agreement as fiir as to the twentieth chapter. 

I. That this westerne discourye will be g[reately for thinlarge- 
mente of the gospell] of Christe, whereunto the princes of the 
[refourmed relligion are chefely] bound, among whome her 
Ma**®: is principall. 

II. That all other Englishe trades are growen beggerlye or dan- 
g[erous,] especially in all the Kinge of Spayne his domynions, 
where [our] men are dryven to flinge their bibles & prayer 
bookes into the sea, and to forsweare & renounce their relli- 
gion & conscience & consequently theyr obedyence to her 
Ma*'^: 

[X. A brefe declajracon of the chefe Ilandes in the bay of Mexico 
[being u]nde[r] the Kinge of Spaine with their havens & fortes, 
& what comodities they yeeld. w. 



176 APPENDIX. 



NOTES ON THE TEXT OF THE DISCOURSE. 

Page 7. 

The people ^^ which Stephen Gomes hroughte from the coaste 
of JSTorumbega in the yere 1524 [1525]." 

Estavan Gomez was a Portuguese pilot, who, about 1518, 
entered the service of Spain. He sailed with Magellan on his 
famous voyage in 1519, as pilot of one of the vessels, the " San 
Antonia"; but he did not accompany the commander through 
the strait which now bears his name. With his ship and crew, 
Gomez desei-ted Magellan and returned home, reporting the 
strait as too dangerous for passage. On the return of the 
remaining vessel, in 1522, having for the first time made the 
voyage round the world, Gomez proposed to lead an expedition 
for the discovery of a north-west passage. The rival claims of 
Spain and Portugal to the division of the newly discovered 
regions delayed the sailing of his expedition. The council of 
Badajos was convened in 1524, and Gomez was sent as commis- 
sioner. That council settled nothing. On its dissolution, his 
preparations were completed ; and he sailed from Corunna in 
February, 1525. Nothing from his own pen or that of his 
companions relating to this voyage has come down to us ; and 
the accounts in Peter Martyr, Oviedo, Gomara, Herrera, and 
Galvano, are fragmentary and unsatisfactory. It is not certain 
where he made his land-fall : whether he sailed up or down our 
coast. The authorities conflict. Dr. Kohl, who has given an 
excellent summary of the evidence, in the first volume of our 
" Documentary History," at pages 271-281, is of opinion that 
he sailed along the coast of Newfoundland to the south as far 
as 40° or 41*^ N. Failing to find the passage sought for, he 
took on board of his vessels, probably at this place, a number 
of Indians and canned them to Spain. He Avas absent ten 
months. An interesting memorial of his voyage exists on the 
map of the Spanish cosmographer Ribero, of 1529. On a large 
section of the map, representing apjjarently the territory of 
New England and Nova Scotia, is inscribed in large letters, 



NOTES TO HAKLUYt's DISCOURSE. 177 

" Tien-a de Estevan Gomez," continued in Spanish in smallei* 
characters, " which he discovered at the command of his Majesty, 
in the year 1525. There are here many trees and fruits similar 
to those in Spain ; and many wah-usses, and salmon, and fish 
of all sorts. Gold they have not found," In the text of Hak- 
luyt cited above, he says that Gomez brought these idolaters 
from " the coast of Norumbega." 

On page 25 of this Discourse, Hakluyt quotes the passage 
about Gomez from the Italian of Ramusio, Vol, III, The 
original Spanish is here given from the "Sumario" of Oviedo, 
fol. xiiii., followed by the English version of Richard Eden. 
It will be seen that the writer does not mention " Norum- 
bega" by name: — 

Despues que V, M, esta enesta cibdad de Toledo llego aqui 
enel mes de Nouiembre, el piloto Esteuan gomez, el qual enel 
ano passado de mil y quinientos y veynte y quatro : por 
madado de V. M. sue ala parte d'l norte, y hallo mucha tierra 
continuada con la que se llama delos Bacallaos, discurriendo al 
occidete, y puesta en quaranta grados y. xli. y assi algo mas y 
algo menos, de donde truro algunos indios, y los ay dellos al 
presente enesta cibdad, los quales son de mayor estatura que 
los dela tierra firme, segun lo que dellos paresce comu, y porq 
el dicho piloto dize q vido muchos dellos y q son assi todos : 
la color es assi como los d' tierra firme, y son grades frecheros, 
y anda cubiertos de cueros de venados y otros animales, y ay en 
aquella tierra exceletes martas zebellinas y otros ricos enforros, 
y d'stas pieles truxo algunas el dicho piloto : tiene plata y 
cobre, segu estos indios dize y lo da a enteder por seiias, y adora 
el sol y la luna, y assi terna otras ydolatrias y errores, como los 
de tierra firme : — 

" Shortly after that your Maiestie came to the citle of Toledo, 
there arryued in the moneth of ISTouember, Steuen Gomes the 
pylot who the yeare before of 1524 by the commaundement of 
youre Maiestie sayled to the Northe partes and founde a greate 
parte of lande continuate from that which is cauled Baccaleos 
discoursynge towarde the West to the xl. and xli, degree, fro 
whense he brought certeyne Indians (for so caule wee all the na- 
tions of the new founde landes) of the whiche he brought sum 
with hym from thense who are ye tin Toledo at this present, and 

23 



178 APPENDIX. 

of greater stature then other of the firme lande as they are cora- 
monlye. Their coloure is much lyke tliotlier of the firme lande. 
They ai'e great archers, and go covered with the skinnes of 
dyuers beastes botli wylde and tame. In this lande are many ex- 
cellent furres, or marterns, sables, and such other rych furres of 
the which the sayde pilote brought summe with hym into 
Spayne. They haue syluer and copper, and certeyne other 
metalls. They are Idolatres and honoure the soonne and moone, 
and are seduced with suche superstitions and errours as are 
they of the firme." (Richard Eden's "Decades of the new 
worlde or west India," &c., London, 1555, fols. 213, 214.) 

It strikes one with a little surprise that Hakluyt throughout 
this Discourse should cite his Spanish authorities at second- 
hand through the Italian of Ramusio, whenever they are to be 
found in that compiler's volumes, rather than directly from 
the original works of those authors themselves. We can hardly 
suppose that he had not access, in this instance, to the " Suma- 
rio" of Oviedo, published at Toledo in 1526. The volumes of 
Ramusio wei'e certainly convenient for reference, embracing as 
they do the works of numerous authors; but the impropriety 
of quoting long extracts from Spanish writers through an Italian 
version, when the original works were accessible, does not 
appear to have occurred to Ilakluyt. He always quotes Gomara 
from the Italian or French versions. One is almost inclined 
to accept Mr. Biddle's conjecture, that Ilakluyt was ignorant 
of Spanish. "The Spanish histories which I have read" (see 
p. 47 of this Discourse) may have been translations from that 
language. But a fac-simile of a manuscript of Hakluyt of a 
later period is inserted in the " Divers Voyages," published by 
the Hakluyt Society, which concludes as follows : " Translated 
out of Spanish by Richard Hakluyt." He may in the mean 
time have learned the language. 

Page 7. 

Gio. Battista Ramusio was born at Trevigi, in 1485, and 
died in 15.57. He edited three valuable volumes of voyages 
in Italian, the first of which was published at Venice in 1550, 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 179 

entitled •'Primo Volume delle ISTuvigationi et Viaggi," &c. 
The second volume was published in 1559, after the death of the 
Editor ; and the third, which relates wholly to America, in 
1556, the year before Ramusio's death. He was diligent and 
successful in collecting original materials for his work, and 
was a correspondent, among others, of Oviedo and Cabot. 

Page 7. 

« Oxdedor 

Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes was born at Madrid, 
in 1478. He was educated at the Court of Spain, and was 
page to Prince Juan. In 1514, he was sent out to the New 
World as supervisor of gold-smeltings, and lived at Darien in 
Tierra Firme. He subsequently established himself at His- 
paniola. He lived in America nearly forty years, including 
occasional visits to Spain. In 1526, he published at Toledo 
his Sumario, entitled " Ouiedo de la natural hystoria de las 
Indias." Mr. Ticknor, in his " History of Spanish Literature " 
(3d ed. II. 33), errs in assigning 1528 as the date of this publi- 
cation, and also in saying that the work is a " summary of the 
History of the Spanish Conquests in the New World." A 
copy is in Harvard College Library. It contains, mainly, 
an account of the West Indies, their geography, climate, the 
races who inhabited them, together with their animals and 
vegetable productions. Oviedo wrote a larger and more im- 
portant work, entitled " La historia general de las Indias," on 
which he was employed when he published his " Sumario." It 
originally consisted of fifty books, divided into three parts. 
The first part, consisting of nineteen books, and perhaps a part 
of another, was published in 1535, at Seville. It embraces in a 
more extended form the details contained in the " Sumario," 
besides an account of the discoveries and conquests of the 
Islands. With the exception of the twentieth book, which was 
published in 1557, at Valladolid, the remaining two parts, relating 
to the conquests of Mexico, Peru, and other countries of South 
America, continued in manuscript till within a few years. Tlie 
whole work was published by the Royal Academy of Madrid, 
in 4 vols., 1851-55. Large portions of the " Sumario" were 



180 APPENDIX. 

translated into English by Richard Eden, and published in 
1555, in his "Decades of the New World," fols. 173-214. Ex- 
tracts from this version are in Purchas, III. 970. Oviedo died 
in 1557. (See Prescott's Conquest of Mexico, II. 293-295; 
Harrisse's Biblioth. Amer. Vet. pp. 255, 256, 337-339.) 

Pages 7, 27, 111, 112. 
'■'- Jaquea CartierP 

The extracts here given, from the " second relation " of Car- 
tier, may be found in substantially the same language in Vol. 
III. of Hakluyt's large Collection, 1598-1600, where he pub- 
lishes the narratives of Cartier's three voyages. From the 
passage on p. 112 of this Discourse, it appears that Hakluyt had 
consulted an original manuscript account of Cartier's second 
voyage in the king's library in Paris, which contained a passage 
not to be found in the published narrative. 

Tlie account of Cartier's second voyage, " Bref Recit," was 
first published in 1545, in Paris. But one copy of it is now 
known to be in existence, and that is in the British Museum. 
It was republished in 1556, in the third volume of Ramusio, 
in an Italian version ; and from that it was translated into 
English by John Florio, and published in London, in 1580. 
Hakluyt republished it in English as above, adopting Florio's 
translation. The late distinguished scholar, M. D'Avezae, edited 
a new edition of it, printed in facsimile from the copy in the 
British Museum, and published by Tross in 1863, Avith full 
preface and notes by the learned editor. In this is given 
the result of a collation of the text with that of three early 
manuscripts in the National Library in Paris. 

The narrative of the first voyage was first published in an 
Italian translation by Ramusio, in his third volume, in 1556, 
along with the relation of the second voyage. This, with the 
account of the second voyage, was rendered into English by 
Florio, and published in 1580. It was also reprinted by Hak- 
luyt, in 1600. In 1598, a French version from the Italian was 
printed in Rouen ; and a new edition of it in facsimile was 
printed in Paris by Tross in 1865, edited by Alfred Rame, 
with illustrations. There has more recently been discovered in 



NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 



181 



Paris what is supposed to be the genuine long-lost narrative, in 
French, of Cartier's first voyage ; and in 1867 it was published 
by Tross, entitled « Relation originale du Voyage de Jacques 
Cartier en 1534." 

An account of Cartier's third voyage was published in an 
English version by Hakluyt in fragments, which he probably 
picked up during his residence in Paris, 1583-88. 

Page 8. 

« As Vemrsanm wit^wsseth in the laste wordes of his re- 
lation" 

The passage here referred to is the concluding part of 
the famous letter of Verrazzano to king Francis I. of France, 
dated at Dieppe, 8th July, 1524, on his return from his voyage 
to the New World. It was first published by Ramusio in his 
third volume, in 1556 ; and an English translation was published 
by Hakluyt in his " Divers Voyages," 1582. The passage from 
the original edition, Sig. B4, is as follows : — 

" Touching the religion of this people, which wee have founde 
for want of their language we could not vnderstand neither 
by signes nor gesture that they had any religion or lawe at all, 
or that they did acknowledge any first cause or mouer, neither 
that they worship the heauen or starres the Sunne or Moone 
or other Planets, and much lesse whether they bee idolaters, 
neither coulde wee learne whether that they vsed any kinde of 
Sacrifices or other adorations, neither in their villages haue they 
any Temples or houses of prayer. We suppose that they haue 
no religion at all, and y* they liue at their owne libertie. And 
yt all this proceedeth of ignorance, for that they are very easie 
to bee persuaded : and all that they see vs Christians doe in 
our diuine seruice they did the same with the like imitation as 
they sawe vs to doe it." 

It is quite unnecessary to enter here upon any notice of the 
career of Verrazzano or of his voyage to North America, so fully 
treated in the notes of Dr. Kohl, in Vol.1, of our "Documentary 
History." The letter to Francis I., of which the above is an 
extract, has recently been called in question as to its genuine- 
ness; and able discussions on both sides of -the question have 



182 APPENDIX. 

been published by Mr. J. C. Brevoort, in his "Verrazano the 
Navigator," New York, 1874, and by the Hon. Henry C. Murphy, 
in his " Voyage of Verrazzano," New York, 1875. Mr. Murphy 
follows his friend, the late Buckingham Smith, in arguing 
against the genuineness of the documents which have hitherto 
been received as evidence of a voyage of Verrazzano to these 
shores. He has been reviewed by Mr. R. H. Major, in the 
London Geogi'aphical Magazine, for July, 1876, and by the 
Rev. B. F. De Costa in a "Plea for Stay of Judgment," each of 
whom dissent from his conclusions. See also the Am. Quar- 
terly Church Rev. for July, 1876. Farther on will be found a 
note to pp. 113 and 114 of the Discourse, on a map and globe 
supposed by Hakluyt to have been made by Verrazzano, and 
the former given by this navigator to Henry the Eighth. 

Page 8. 

" Koioe the Kinges and Queenes of England have the name 
of Defendours of the Faithe^'' 

Probably no one knew better than Hakluyt that this title 
was granted by Pope Leo X. to King Henry VIH. for 
his book, " Assertio Septem Sacramentorum adversus Martin 
LutherQ," &c. This book was printed by Pynson in London, 
in 1521, and by order of the Pope was printed at Rome in the 
same year. It is supj)osed to have been written by Bishop 
Fisher, for the King. The Pope's bull, conferring the title, 
" Given at St. Peter's in Rome, the fifth of the Ides of October, 
in the year of our Lord's Incai-nation, 1521," after comment- 
ing on the " notorious errors of Luther," and the great merit of 
the King in writing this book in defence of " the Orthodox 
Faith, and Evangelical Truth, now under so great peril and 
danger," proceeds to say, — " We, the true successor of St. 
Peter, Avhom Christ before his ascension left as his Vicar upon 
earth, and to whom he committed the care of his flock : presid- 
ing in this Holy See, from whence all Dignity and Titles have 
their source: having with our brethren maturely deliberated 
on these things, and with one consent unanimously decreed to 
bestow on your Majesty this Title, viz.^ Defender of the Faith, 
and as we have by this title honored you. Me likewise com- 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 183 

rannd all Christians that they name your Majesty by this title, 
and in their writings to your Majesty that immediately after 
the word King, they add Defender of the Faith." (Asser- 
tion of the Seven Sacraments against Martin Luther, published 
by authority, London, 1688 ; Dibdin's Typog. Antiq. IL 484, 
485; Strype's Ecclesiastical Mem. Vol. L pt. 1, pp. 51-54, 
Oxford, 18-21.) 

Hakluyt was a good Protestant ; and, if he had ever read this 
bull by which the title of which he speaks was conferred, he 
could not have failed to see in it the same ridiculous assertion of 
power and prerogative as is shown in the instrument issued by 
Pope Alexander VI., in 1493, by which he pretended to divide 
the world between the Spaniards and the Portuguese, — which 
forms the subject of Hakluyt's eloquent denunciation in the 
19th chapter of this Discourse. 

Page 9. 

" Sixinishe ffryersP 

After De Soto had failed in his attempt to conquer Floi-ida, 
and some other worthy gentlemen, among whom Avas Julian 
Samano and Peter Ahumada, had failed to gain the consent 
of the Emperor and his son King Philip II. to renew that enter- 
prise, in 1544, the idea was conceived that the matter might 
otherwise be brought to pass ; viz., by words, instead of 
weapons. And, in this view, the Emperor, Philip II., and his 
council, "sent thyther fryer Luys Cancell of Baluastro, with 
other fryers of the order of Saynt Dominike who offered 
them selves to conuerte the nations of that lande from theyr 
gentilitie to the fayth of Christ, and obedience to Themperoure, 
onely with woordes. The fryer therefore goinge forwarde on 
his vyage at the kynges charges in the year 1549, went aland 
with foure other fryers which he tooke with him, and certajTie 
maryners, without harnesse or weapons: unto whom, as he 
began his preachynge, many of the Indians of the sayd Florida 
resorted to the sea syde, where without gyuynge audience to his 
woordes, they caryed him away with three other of his Com- 
panyons, and dyd eate them, whereby they suffred martjT- 
dome for the fayth of Christ. The resydue that escaped, made 



184 APPENDIX. 

hast to the shyj^j^e, and kept thera selves for Confessours, as 
sum say. Many that fauoure thintente of the fryers, doe nowe 
consyder, that by that means the Indians could not be browght 
to oure fryendeshippe and religion. Neverthelesse, that if it 
could so haue byn browght to passe, it had been better. There 
came of late from that shippe, one that had byn the page of 
Ferdinando de Sodo, who declared that the Indians hanged vp 
the skynnes with the heades and crownes of the said fryers in 
one of theyr Temples." (Richard Eden's version (fol. 319) of 
Gomara's La Historia General, &c. (Cap. XLV) ; Compare 
Parkman's Pioneers of France, &c., p. 13, and his citations.) 

Page 11. 

" The mynisters which were sente from Geneva with Ville- 
gagnon^^ 

The " mynisters from Geneva " here referred to were Peter 
Richer and William Chartier. They were not sent toith 
Villegagnon, but to him, after he had already established his 
colony in Brazil. When he left France on this expedition 
(July 12, 1555), he had with him a Franciscan monk, the 
celebrated traveller and cosmographer, Andre Thevet ; but he 
could not avail himself of his ministrations, in consistency with 
the part he was then acting of a discij^le of Calvin, a follower of 
Coligny, and a founder under his auspices of an asylum for the 
Huguenots in the New World. Finding himself thus reduced 
to the necessity of performing in his own person the duties of a 
minister as well as of a magistrate, which, as he says, in view 
of the example of Uzziah, caused this proud Knight of Malta 
great anguish of spirit, he despatched to Calvin, by the return 
of the ships, an earnest request to send to the colony some 
such ministers as he could recommend for the work in hand. 

The ships left Fort Coligny on the 31st January, 1556, and 
had already reached France before the 1st September, an interval 
sufficient, perhaps, to allow of their having made that great 
detour along the coast of Florida, Norumbega, and Baccalaos, 
described by Tlievet, himself a passenger, but seriously drawn in 
question by modern critics. It was in answer to this request 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 185 

that the two ministers above-named were sent to Villegngnon, 
and at the same time several other members of the Clmrch at 
Geneva, who, tliough not ordained, were eminent men and 
thought quahfied to aid the ministers in their evangelical 
labors. 

Among the duties assigned them, that of laboring to convert 
the savages is distinctly mentioned ; but there is no evidence that 
they made even a beginning in the performance of this duty, 
certainly none that they ever prosecuted it to a successful 
issue, or, in the words of Hakluyt, " that any one infidell was 
by them converted." It is, indeed, affirmed by Thevet that he 
himself abandoned this work, because the ministers of Calvin 
assumed it {entreprenant cette charge) ; but this testimony is 
rendered suspicious by the fact that he had left the colony 
more than a year before they arrived. 

It does not appear, however, to have been from any fault of 
theirs that this part of their work was left undone. The 
colony having been planted and the fort erected on an island 
in the harbor of Rio Janeiro, they were cut off from all access 
to the savages, unless they could obtain permission to leave the 
island from Villegagnon himself; a regulation so rigidly en- 
forced by him, that on one occasion, when De Lery and another 
of the Genevan company had gone to the mainland without 
permission from himself, though they had permission from his 
lieutenant, he threatened to put them in irons. 

But this was not the greatest obstacle they had to encounter 
in discharscins: their mission to the native savages of Brazil. 
In violation of the pledges he had given to Coligny, that the 
Reformed Religion should be protected and promoted in his 
colony, Villegagnon, almost immediately after the arrival of 
the Geneva ministers, began to assume a hostile attitude towards 
them. Under the lead of one Cointa, a pupil of the Sorbonne, 
who had come over with some episcopal pretensions, he re- 
strained these ministers from i^reaching the • doctrines and 
performing the ceremonies of the Reformed Religion as they 
had learned it at Geneva. In the necessity which thus arose 
of defending and maintaining their fundamental principles 
against the assaults of Villegagnon and his confederate, Cointa, 
they had no time or strength left for converting the native 

24 



186 APPENDIX. 

tribes. So violent were these theological and ecclesiastical 
disputes which had been revived so unexpectedly in this prom- 
ised asylum of the Reformation, that one of the ministers, 
Chartier, was sent home to submit them to the arbitration of 
the Reformed Churches, and especially of Calvin. Not long 
after this, the other minister. Richer, and all his Genevan asso- 
ciates, were expelled from the fort and the island, and obliged 
to take passage for France in a ship heavily laden with Brazil 
wood, and badly supplied with provisions, at the risk of starva- 
tion and shipwreck, in order to escape the worse perils to 
which they were exposed on the mainland from the Portuguese 
and the savages. Five of the lay members of the Genevan 
Company, who had embarked in this ship, returned, as a choice 
of evils, to the fort; and three of their number were, by the 
express order of Villegagnon, hurled headlong from a pi'ccipice 
into the ocean. 

Villegagnon, having thus torn off the mask of Protestantism, 
which he had assumed for the accomplishment of his ambitious 
projects, and having become reconciled to the Church of Rome, 
if he had ever been separated from it, soon abandoned the 
miserable remnant of the company of Huguenots who had fol- 
lowed him as their leader to this promised asylum in the New 
World, and returned to France. 

Before the end of the year 1558, or within three years from 
the inception of the enterprise, those that stayed behind were 
driven by the Portuguese from the fort, and so far as is known 
lost among the Pagans they came to convert ; " in this," says 
Cotton Mather, " more unhappy sure than that hundred thou- 
sand of their brethren who were soon after butchered at home 
in that horrible Massacre " of St. Bartholomew. " So," he adds, 
"has there been utterly lost, in a little time, a country in- 
tended for a receptacle of Protestant Churches on the Amer- 
ican Strand." (Magnalia, Book I. Introduction, ]). 1.) 

The principal authority for this expedition is De Lery, who 
was one of the Genevan assistants, but not one of the ministers, 
as sometimes represented. His work, Illstoire dun Voyage fait 
cbu Bresil^ was first published in 1578, and may have been seen 
by Hakluyt. A Latin version is found in the Second Part of 
De Bry. The ecclesiastical historians, Theodore Beza, De 



NOTES TO hakluyt's discoukse. 187 

Thou, Maimbourg, have also given accounts of this earliest 
colony of Protestantism in America. This subject has also been 
taken up by Bayle in his I)lctio7inaire, Art. ViUegagnon and 
Eicher; by Cotton Mather, Magualia, Book I. p. 1, Introduc- 
tion ; by Parkman, Pioneers of France, &c., pp. 16-27 ; Marshall, 
Christian Missions, Vol. II. p. 162; Walsh, Notices of Brazil, 
Vol. I. p. 153; Kidder and Fletcher; Southey, History of 
Brazil; Thevet, Cosmographie, Singularitez, &c. w. 



Page 11. 

« And those {jnynisters] that toente icith John Bihault into 
Florida:' 

There is no evidence "that ministers went with Ribault 
into Florida," either in Ribault's own account of his first ex- 
pedition, in 1562, or in Laudonniere's account of that and the 
subsequent expeditions, in 1564-65. In the first of these 
accounts (the only one to which Hakluyt had access when he 
wrote this Discourse), it is represented that Coligny had been 
stirred up to promote this expedition, not only by his patriotic 
purposes, but by the hope he had "that a number of brutish 
people, and ignorant of Jesus Christ, might by his grace come 
to some knowledge of his holy laws and ordinances." And 
hence it may have been carelessly taken for granted by Hak- 
luyt that ministers went with Ribault. But if the plans of 
Coligny embraced the founding of a Protestant asylum and 
the conversion of the heathen, as ultimate objects of his colony 
in Florida, it did not suit his policy to enter upon the imme- 
• diate execution of these plans in the very inception of his 
enterprise. And he could hardly have sent out Genevan min- 
isters to the exclusion of Catholic priests, without stamping the 
enterprise with a type of religious character which would have 
alienated from it Charles IX. and his court, upon whose favor 
it depended. And he woixld hardly venture upon sending out 
ministers and priests together, so long as he could remember 
the troubles which had arisen from this course only four or five 
years before. It appears, however, that there were some in the 
colony so earnest in the doctrine of Geneva, that they were 



188 APPENDIX. 

dissatisfied with this temporizing policy of their great patron, 
and complained loudly and bitterly that no ministers had 
been sent with them. w. 

Page 11. 
" As also those of our nation that went with Frohisher^'* 

No ministers are mentioned as going with Frobisher in his 
first and second voyages, which were mere explorations. It is 
recorded, however, by Dionyse Settle, one of the historians of 
the second expedition of Frobisher (1577), that on their arrival 
at Meta Incognita the General and his company, felling upon 
their knees, offered up this as one of their chief supplications, 
" that by our Christian studie and endeavour those barbarous 
people, trained up in Paganisme and infidelitie, might be reduced 
to the knowledge of true religion, and to the hope of salvation 
in Christ our Redeemer." (Hak. III. 34.) It was probably in 
pursuance of this feeling that among the orders for the third 
expedition (1578), which was intended to effect a settlement, 
one is found (added in the handwriting of Lord Burghley), to 
the effect that a minister or two should go this journey to ad- 
minister divine service according to the Church of Ensjland. 
(Sainsbury's Calendar of the East Indies, p. 36.) And hence a 
certain " Maister Wolfall, a learned man, was appointed by her 
Majestie's Councell to be their Minister and Preacher." " This 
Maister Wolfall, being well seated and settled at home in his 
owne countrey, with a good and large living, having a good 
honest woman to wife, and very towardly children, being of 
good reputation among the best, refused not to take in hand 
this painful voyage, for the onely care he had to save soules, and 
to reforme those Infidells, if it were possible, to Christianitie." 
(Hakluyt, III. 84.) No settlement was effected in this expedi- 
tion, and no opportunity for the worthy minister to enter upon 
his laboi's for the convei'sion of the Esquimaux. Even the 
natives, who were taken captive and carried to England, in the 
first and second voyages, are not known to have been " reformed 
to Christianitie." A report on the death of the man brought 
over in the second voyage, " the woman being yet alive," 
is found in Cal. Domestic Eliz., Vol. CXVIII. No. 40. Large 



NOTES TO HAKLUTT's DISCOURSE. 



189 



and small pictures were made of them for the Queen and 
the company, at prices varying from £4 to £21. (MSS. of Sir 
Thomas Phillipps, No. 8721.) An amusing account is given 
of tlie effect produced on one of the captives by seeing the 
portrait of another. (See Hak. III. 67.) w. 

Page 11. 
"With Sir Francis Drake." 
It would seem from the testimony of Thomas Fuller, who 
was on terms of intimacy with several of Drake's kinsmen, that 
a minister, whose name is not given, went with Drake in his 
first adventure (in 1567-68), in his little bark "Judith," when 
he lost every thing at St. Juan de Ulloa. It is stated by 
him (Holy State, ed. 1642, p. 133) that, after this loss, "Drake 
was persuaded by the Minister of his ship that he might law- 
fully recover in value of the King of Spain, and repair his 
losses upon him." And it is farther represented by Fuller, that 
it was in pursuance of this piece of "sea Divinity" taught him 
by his minister, that Drake undertook to revenge himself upon 
that Mi-hty Monarch, - an undertaking in which he persevered 
unscrupulously, until after his capture of the Cacafuego m the 
South Sea, in 1578, when he declared himself "sufficiently 
satisfied and revenged." (World Encompassed, Hakluyt Soc. 

ed., p. 242.) . . 1 ,. 

It is probable, however, that the minister here referred to 
was one who went with Drake in his voyage round the world 
in 1577-80 His name was Francis Fletcher; and his Notes 
(republished by the Hakluyt Society, in 1854) are one of the 
principal sources of information regarding that voyage. This 
minister is represented by Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, 
(quoted by Froude, Vol. XI. p. 373), as having been sent at 
the instance of a councillor of the Queen, a great rascal and a 
terrible Puritan {grandisimo hellaco y Pxmtano terrible) be- 
cause he could speak the Spanish language, and who, being thus 
able to disseminate the Puritan heresy (pestilencia) m the 
Spanish colonies, was hence regarded as a most dangerous 

person. 

Of this same Mr. Fletcher it is reported that, having on one 



190 APPENDIX. 

occasion been wanting in his duty, he was brought to the fore- 
castle, wliere Drake, representing on his own deck the person 
of his Sovereign, as head of Church as well as State, pronounced 
hira excommunicated, cut off from the Church of God, and 
given over to the Devil, and left him chained by the ankle to a 
ring-bolt. This punishment, however, having been inflicted 
half in jest, was not of long duration, and after a day or two 
the offending chaplain was absolved, and returned to his duty. 
(Froude, Vol. XI. p. 396; World Encompassed, as above, 
p. 176). W. 

Page 13. 
" Our trade in BarharieP 

The dangers of the English trade in Barbary had arisen from 
its very beginning, in 1551, not so much from the Mohammedan 
powers on the southern coast of the Mediterranean, as from the 
Christian powers on the northern coast. The English trade had 
from the first been regarded by the several States of Barbary 
with peculiar favor, and had been placed on a footing more 
advantageoiis than that of any other Christian state. The neigh- 
boring Christian powers, on the contrary, though contending 
with each other for the exclusive possession of the trade of the 
Levant, were united in opposing the intrusion of the English, 
regarding them both as outsiders and as heretics. " The Port- 
ugals," says James Thomas (who went in the second English 
voyage to Barbary, in 1552), "were much offended with this 
our new trade into Barbaric, and both in our voiage the yeere 
before, and also in this, they gave out in England by their mer- 
chants, that if they took us in those partes, they would use us 
as their mortall enemies, with great thi'cates and menaces." 
(Hak. II. Pt. 2, p. 9.) 

On the attempt of the English to confirm this trade by 
establishing an embassy in Morocco, in 1577, they encountered, 
in like manner, the opposition of the Christian powers. The 
English Ambassador, Edmund Hogan, reports to Queen Eliza- 
beth, that, on his landing in Morocco, although he was received 
with diplomatic civility by the representatives of the Christian 



NOTES TO HAKLUYt's DISCOURSE. 191 

powers there resident, he knew this was more by the king's 
command than fi-ora any good-will of their own ; " for," he 
says, "some of them, although they speake me fair, hung downe 
their heads like dogs, and especially the Portugales ; " and that, 
on his presentation at the court, he was given to understand 
by the emperor that the King of Spain "had made great 
meanes [menace?] that if the Queenes Majesty of England 
sent any [Ambassador] unto him, that he would not give 
him any credit or entertainment." (Ilak. II. Pt. 2, p. 65.) 

It appears that within a few years after this date all the 
Christian powers on the north coast of the Levant had formed 
a league among themselves not to suffer the English ships to 
come into those parts. And accordingly the English ships 
trading thither were directed by their owners to keep clear, 
as far as possible, of the Christian coast. 

It would sometimes happen, however, that an English ship 
in the Barbary trade would be driven on the Christian coast, 
and, even while England was still nominally at peace with the 
Christian powers on the Levant, would then be liable to the 
treatment here described. 

We do not find, either in the author's own Collections or 
elsewhere, any instance of an English ship answering exactly 
to the case which he has here described ; although he speaks 
of the case as being one which had actually occurred, " was 
comitted to printe, and confessed by all our marchants." He 
may, perhaps, have had in mind the very similar instance of the 
bark "Reynolds," to which he refers again in the two following 
pages, and which he has given at length in his edition of 1589 
(p. 185). Although this bark was not driven literally upon 
the coast of Spain, but was seized somewhere on the west 
part of Malta, the case is very similar, and well illustrates the 
peculiar dangers to which English ships in the Barbary trade 
were exposed at that time. w. 

Page 1.3. 

"^< the deathe of the prince i?2 Barbarie.^' 

It devolved on his Janizaries to elect his successor. As the 
Janizaries were a heterogeneous body of ten or twelve thousand 



192 APPENDIX. 

mercenary soldiers, recruited always in countries foreign to 
that in Avhicli they were stationed, and as it was necessary that 
their choice should be unanimous, it often happened that con- 
siderable time elapsed before a valid election could be made. 
During this interval, the Government was effectually suspended, 
and the country given over to " the spoil," in which the English 
traders fared no better than others. w. 

Page 19. 

" The contries . . . Jirste discovered hy Sebastian Gabote, 
at the coste of that prude7ite prince Kinge Henry the Seaventh, 
from Florida northewarde to 67 degrees^'' tltc. 

At the time Hakluyt is here writing (1584), there were 
probably no settlements in North America north of St. Helena, 
situated near the old Port Royal of Ribault. St, Augustine was 
founded by Menendez in 1565. The previous explorations of 
the coast, since its discovery by Ponce de Leon in 1513, reach- 
ing to a much higher latitude than either, resulted in no 
permanent occupation. Although the Spaniards at this time 
gave the name " Florida" to the whole coast indefinitely north- 
ward and westward of the territory now bearing that name, 
Hakluyt, it will be seen, uses the term in a more restricted 
sense. In the passage quoted above, he says that Cabot dis- 
covered the coast " from Florida northewarde to 67 degrees," 
In the "Epistle Dedicatorie" to the second volume of his 
" Principal Navigations," 1599, he says that it is universally 
acknowledged, even by foreign writers, "that all that mighty 
tract of land from 67 degrees northward to the latitude almost 
of Florida was first discovered out of England, by the com- 
maundant of King Henry VII. ; and the south part thereof, 
before any other Christian people, of late hath been planted 
with divers English Colonies by the royal consent of her Sacred 
Majesty, under the broad seal of England," &c. He here refers 
to the Virginia colonists sent out by Raleigh, who had planted 
north of the region he designates as Florida. Again, in a 
marginal note of his third volume (p. 9), he says that Cabot 
discovered " the northern parts of that land, and from thence 
as far almost aa Florida." And, as to the degree of latitude 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 193 

reached by Cabot in sailing south, Hakluyt, in his folio of 1589 
(p. 514), and also in the third volume of his larger work, quotes 
Peter Martyr, as saying "that it was there almost equal in 
latitude with the sea Fretum Herculeum " ; that is, to about 
latitude 36" N. 

But Hakluyt, in the first and third chapter of this Discourse, 
is calling attention to the large region from the thirtieth to the 
sixty-third, and even to the sixty-seventh, degree of north lati- 
tude, as " not yet in any Chrestian princes actuall possession," 
and is urging the English government to take possession and 
colonize. 

Raleigh's Patent (of 25th March, 1584), like that of Gilbert's, 
designated no particular spot on the coast, but gave a privilege 
for a space of two hundred leagues adjoining the place or places 
selected for settlement, not already in possession of the subjects 
of any Christian prince in amity with England. His first expedi- 
tion, commanded by Amadas and Barlow, was a voyage of obser- 
vation and discovery, under instructions, the particulars of which 
have never been published. Reaching the coast somewhere 
near the southern part of what is now the State of North Caro- 
lina, they ranged northward for one hundred and twenty miles, 
in search of a convenient harbor. Entering the first haven 
which oflfered, they landed on the Island of Wocoken, in 
about latitude 35° K ; and, 13th July, 1584, took possession 
of the country for the Queen of England. Reaching home, 
by the middle of September, they reported in glowing 
colors the discovery of a region called by the Indians " Win- 
gandacoa." To this region the name of " Virginia " was now 
given, and here Raleigh made his several attempts to plant a 
colony of the English race. There was no declaration as to 
how much territory "Virginia" embraced: whether it was 
intended to include all that which by the terms of the Patent 
could be claimed by its proprietor. The first map on which 
the name appears is that published in Hakluyt's edition of 
Peter Martyr's Decades, 1587, inscribed thus, just north of lati- 
tude of 40^^, —" Virginia, 1584." The name next appears on 
the map published by De Bry, 1590, to accompany the reprint 
of Harlot's " briefe and true report," and covering the region 
between Chesapeake Bay and Cape Lookout, or between latitude 

25 



194 APPENDIX. 

341° and 37° N. On the finely executed map of the world 
made a year or two later, by Emeric Mollineux, for Hakluyt, 
" Vu'ginia " has a conspicuous place ; as it also has on a sec- 
tional map of Wytfliet, 1597. 

Although Raleigh failed to plant a permanent colony here, 
and on the 7th March, 1588-89, admitted divers others to the 
privileges of his Patent, in hopes of gaining assistance in prose- 
cuting the enterprise, the name which the virgin Queen gave to 
the spot remained, and superseded all others; and in English 
geographical nomenclature soon spread over the whole coast 
indefinitely northward to the region of New France. English 
discovery soon became continuous along these coasts. The 
voyages of Gosnold, Pring, and Weymouth, made in the years 
1602, 1603, and 1605, to the shores afterwards called New Eng- 
land, were described as made to Virginia, or to the north pai't 
of Virginia. After Raleigh's attainder. King James issued 
another patent, 10 April, 1606, to sundry persons, including 
Richard Hakluyt, one of Raleigh's assigns in 1589, for the colo- 
nization of Virginia. In this he authorized the formation of 
two companies to settle the country, iinder that name, between 
latitude 34'^ and 45° N. 

In Chapter XVIII. of this Discourse, Hakluyt examines the 
title of England to this territory, and, as will be seen, relies 
principally on the discovery by the Cabots, or rather by Sebas- 
tian Cabot. As we have said in a note further on, our author 
neither here, nor in his printed works, discusses the question 
as to the comparative agency of John Cabot and his son Sebas- 
tian in this discovery ; and nothing could be further from the 
truth than the accusation brought against him by Richard 
Biddle, that he intentionally mutilated the evidence that bore 
in favor of Sebastian. Hakluyt dealt with the main question 
which lay between Spain and England, as to the priority of the 
discovery of the continent, overlooking wholly the minor and 
incidental points which have come up since his day. And he 
seems, also, not to have been aware that some of the narratives 
h.e cites in proof of the voyage of discovery relate, probably, 
to a second voyage, of which he appears to take no notice. 
He gathers up all the evidence he can find relating to the 
early enterprise of the Cabots, much of it very unsatisfactory 



NOTES TO HAKLUYt's DISCOURSE. 195 

as to data and authenticity, and puts it all into his volumes, 
with little editorial supervision. 

The principal fact, however, that the Cabots discovered 
North America before Columbus discovered the mainland of 
South America, is well established. The question as to how 
far they sailed along the coast to the south, either in the first 
or second voyage, we regard as more doubtful. 

The celebrated Dr. John Dee was particularly distinguished, 
among other gifts, for his geographical attainments ; and he was 
often consulted by the principal navigators of his day. In 
his Diary, published in 1842 by the Camden Society, we learn 
that he was visited by such persons as Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
Adrian Gilbert, Mr. Hawkins, John Davis, and othei's ; and of 
his dining with Sir Walter Raleigh. Nov. 28, 1577, he says: 
" I spake with the Queue hora quinta ; I spake with Mr. Secre- 
tary Walsingham. I declared to the Quene her title to Green- 
land, Estetiland, and Friseland." When Gilbert and his friends 
were preparing for his last and fatal expedition, Peckham, the 
principal adventurer, is also found consulting Dr. Dee. 1582, 
July 16th. — "A meridie hor. 3^ cam Sir George Peckham to 
me to know the tytle for Norombega in respect of Spain 
and Portugall parting the whole world's destilleryes." 

Purchas (IV. 1812, 1813) has a long dissertation on the title 
to this part of the New World, and on "the English right by 
discovery. Possession, prsescription," &c. 

Page 20. 

" Jb/wi Rihault writeth thus in the first leafe of his discovrse^ 
extant in print both in Frenche and EnglisheP 

The Discourse of Jean Ribault here referred to is that which 
first appeared in English in 1563, under this title : " The whole 
and true discouerye of Terra Florida (englishedthe Flourishing 
lande) Conteyning aswell the wonderfull straunge natures and 
maners of the people, with the merveylous commodities and 
treasures of the country. . . . Never founde out before the hist 
yere 1562, Written in Frenche by Captaine Ribauld, the fyrst 
that whollye discoured the same. And nowe newly set forthe 
in EngUshe the xxx of May. 1563. Prynted at London by 



196 APPENDIX. 

Rouland Hall for Thomas Hacket." A copy of this rare tract 
is in the Britisli Museum. Hakluyt reprinted it in 1582, in his 
" Divers Voyages," under this heading : " The true and last dis- 
couerie of Florida made by Captaine John Ribault in the yeere 
1562. Dedicated to a great noble man of Fraiince, and translated 
into Englishe by one Thomas Hackit." Near the close of his 
" Epistle Dedicatorie " to the " Divers Voyages," Hakluyt says : 
"The last treatise, of John Ribault, is a thing that hath been 
alreadie printed, but not nowe to be had, vnless I had caused 
it to be printed againe." In a note by the learned editor of the 
" Divers Voyages," reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, at 
page 94, he says, " The French original [of Ribault's voy- 
age] is not known to exist, and it is doubtful if it ever was 
printed." It will be noticed that Hakluyt says, in the text 
above cited, that this discourse is " extant in print, bothe in 
Frenche and Englishe." 

Pages 21, 22. 

^^ Doctor Monardusr 

Nicholas Monardes Avas a learned Spanish physician, born 
about the beginning of the sixteenth century, and died in 1578. 
He published at Seville, in 1565, 1569, and 1571, various trea- 
tises relating to the rare and singular virtues of the plants discov- 
ered in the New Woi'ld ; and, in 1574, embodied these in one vol- 
ume, entitled " Historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de 
nuestras Indias occidentales, que sirven en medicina," &c. The 
greater part of this volume was translated into English by John 
Frampton, and published in London, in 1577, entitled " Joyfull 
Newes out of the newfound world," &c. A second edition 
was published in 1580, and a third in 1596, containing an 
additional fourth book, " which treateth of two medicines ex- 
cellent against all venom, which are the Bezaar stone, and the 
Herbe Escuerconera" also a dialogue on Iron, and a treatise on 
Snow. This work of Monardes was also translated into Latin 
and Italian. On fol. 46 (the fol. cited by Hakluyt in the text) 
of the English translation of 1580 is the passage quoted here 
by him ; the last sentence is from fol. 48. 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 197 



Page 22. 

" Verarsana, fallinge in the latitude of 34 degrees^ describeth 
the scituation^'' <Jtc. 

The narrative following is taken from the author's version, as 
published in his "Divers Voyages." 1582, translated from the 
Italian in Ramusio, III. 420-22, Venice, 1556. 

Page 25. 

" Another Frenche capitaine of Diepe, which had bene 
alongest this coaste, geveth this testymonie . . . as it is in the 
thirde volume of viages gathered by Mamusius.'''' 

The passage in Italian quoted on this page is only found in 
Ramusio : " The inhabitants of this country are a very pleas- 
ant, tractable, and peaceful people. The country is abounding 
with all sorts of fruit. There grow oranges, almonds, wild 
grapes, and many other fruits of odoriferous trees. The coun- 
try is named by the inhabitants Nurumbega." 

The French captain here referred to is supposed, by Estan- 
celin, to be the famous Jean Parmentier of Dieppe ; and M. 
D'Avezac considers the author of the " Discourse " in Ramusio 
to be Pierre Crignon, Parmentier's friend and companion. (See 
Introduction to the Bref Recit of Cartier, p. vii., Tross, Paris, 
1863 ; Murphy's Voyage of Verrazzano, pp. 85, 86 ; Major's 
Introduction to the " Early Voyage to Terra Australis," p. vi. ; 
Kohl's Documentary History of Maine, pp. 227, 228, and 231 ; 
compare Brevoort's " Verrazano the Navigator," p. 107.) 

Pages 26, 101. 

^^ And this yere, 1584, the Marques de la Roche . . . xcas 
caste atcaye over againste JBurwage^'' 

" Was cast aioay upon the trauers of Burwage^'' 

Not improbably the old seaport of " Brouage," not for from 
Rochelle, once considered the " second harbor in Fx-ance," but 
now deserted, was here intended. Travers, or more properly 
d travers, means op2oositey or over against. Hakluyt may have 



198 APPENDIX. 

been quoting from some French document, and used the word 
"travel's" inadvertently in the second passage quoted above. 
This notice of an expedition of the Marquis de la Roche, in 
1584, has never before met our eye. 

In 1577 and 1578, commissions were issued by Henry III. 
to the Marquis de la Roche, authorizing settlements in the 
terres-neuves, and the adjacent countries newly discovered ; 
but no settlement was made. Whether any expeditions had 
been fitted out by him before the disastrous one related in the 
text, we are ignorant. In 1598, another grant was made to La 
Roche by Henry IV., for colonizing New France. His lettres 
jyatentes may be seen in Lescarbot, 422-29, in which he is styled 
" Lieut.-general desdits pais de Canada, Hochelaga, Terres- 
neuves, Labrador, riviere de la grande Baye, de Noremberque 
(c'est la riviere de Canada) et terres adjacentes," &c. He had 
large powers conferred upon him. Collecting a load of col- 
onists, including forty convicts from the prisons, he set sail in a 
small vessel, and, arriving off the coast of Nova Scotia, landed 
the convicts on Sable Island, with a view to their removal 
when he should have selected a fit site for the capital of his 
new dominion. In the mean time, a sudden gale of wind from 
the west drove his vessel from the coast, and pursued him 
homeward. The convicts remained, and dragged out a miser- 
able existence. Five years afterward only twelve of them 
were alive, and these were brought home to France. Broken 
by misfortune, La Roche is said to have "died miserably." 
(Murpliy, Voyage of Verrazzano, p. 37 ; Lescarbot, pp. 420, 
421 ; Parkman, Pioneers of France, &c., pp. 210-12.) 



Page 28. 

" The very wordes of Vasques de Coronado . . . written to 
Don Antonio di 3Iendoza, Viceroy of Jlexico.''^ 

These extracts are copied from the third volume of Ramusio, 
where the entire Relation is published. Hakluyt subsequently 
printed an English version of it in his third volume of " Voy- 
ages," and the translation below is taken from that : — 

" In this towne where I nowe remaine there may bee some 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 199 

two hundred houses, all compassed with walles, and I thinke 
that with the rest of the houses which are not so walled, 
there may be together five hundred. There is another towne 
nei"e this, which is one of the seueu, and it is somewhat bigger 
then this, and another of the same bignesse that this is of, and 
the other foure are somewhat lesse : and I send them all j^ainted 
unto your lordship with the voyage. And the parchment 
wherein the picture is, was found here with other parchments. 
. . . They haue painted mantles, like those which I send vnto 
your lordship. They have no cotton wooll growing . . . yet 
they weare mantles thereof as your honour may see by the shewe 
thereof: and true it is that there was found in their houses 
certaiue yarne made of cotton wooll. . . . And they have Tur- 
queses, I thinke, good quantitie. . . . There were found in a 
certaine paper two poynts of Emeralds, and certaine small 
stones broken which are in color somewhat like Granates . . . and 
other stones of Christall . . . and Guinie cockes . . . excellent 
good and greater then those of Mexico. . . . There is most ex- 
cellent grasse within a quarter of a league hence. . . . They eate 
the best cakes that euer I sawe ... in any place. . . . They 
haue most excellent salte in kernell, which they fetch from a cer- 
taine lake a days journey from hence. . . . Here are many sorts 
of beasts, as Beares, Tigers, Lions, Porkespicks, and certaine 
sheep as bigge as an horse, with very great homes and little tails. 
. . . Here are also wilde goates whose heads likewise I haue seene 
. . . and the skins of wilde bores. There is game of deere, 
ounces, and very great stagges. . . . They travel eight dayes 
journey vnto certaine plaines lying towards the North Sfea. In 
this countrey there are certaine skinnes well dressed, and they 
dresse them and paint them where they kill their Oxen. . . . 
I send your honor one oxe-hide, certaine Turqueses, and two 
earrings of the same, and fifteene combes of the Indians, and 
certain tablets set with these Tui-queses. ... In this place there 
is found some quantitie of golde and siluer, which those which 
are skilfull in mineral matters esteeme to be very good," &c. 
(Hakluyt, III. 377, 378, 380.) 



200 



APPENDIX. 



Page 30. 



" And Franciscus Lopez de Gomera^ in his Generall Hlstorie 
of the Indies, fol. 297 and 298, in treatinge of the seconde voy- 
adge of Franciscus Vasques de Coronado . . . saiethfirste of 
the contrye about Tigues^'' 

In citing these brief extracts from Gomara's "General His- 
tory," Hakluyt quotes from an Italian version, of which there 
were more than one extant at this time. We give here the 
original Spanish from the edition of Juan Steelsio, published at 
Antwerp in 1554, fols. 273, 274, with Hakluyt's translation : — 

" Ay en aqlla ribera melones, y algodon bianco, y Colorado, 
de que hazen muy mas anchas mantas, que en otras partes de 
Indias." "In this countrey there are melons, and white and 
redde cotton, whereof they make farre larger mantels then in 
other parts of the Indies." (Hakluyt, III. 381.) 

" And of Quivii-a he saieth " : — 

"Esta Quiuira en quarenta grados, es tierra templada, de 
buenas aquas, de muchas yeruas, ciruelas, moras, nuezes, me- 
lones, y vuas, que maduran bien ; no ay algodon, y visten cueros 
de vacas, y venados. Vieron por la costa naos, que ti*ayan 
arcatrazes de oro, y de plata en las proas, co mercaderias, y pen- 
saron ser del Catayo, y China, porq, senalauan auer nauegado 
treynta dias." 

" Quivira is in fortie degrees : it is a temperate countrie and 
hath very good waters, and much grasse, plummes, mulberries, 
nuts, melons and grapes, which ripen very well. There is no 
cotton ; and they apparell themselues with oxe-hides and deere 
skinnes. They sawe shippes on the sea coast, whicli bare Alca- 
traizes (or pellicanes) of golde and silver in their prows, and 
were laden with marchandizes, and they thought them to bee of 
Cathaya and China, because they showed our men by signs 
that they had sayled thirtie dayes." (Hakluyt, HI. 381.) 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 201 



Page 30. 

" Touching Newefoimd land . . . those that were there the 
laste yere^ 1583 . . . with Sir Hamfry Gilbert^'' &c. 

Captain Ricliard Whitbourne, of Exmouth, County Devon, in 
the preface to " A Discourse and Discovery of Newfoundland," 
London, 1620, says, — " In a voyage to that countrey about 36 
yeeres since, I had the command of a worthy Ship of 220 Tun, 
set forth by one Master Crooke of South-hampton : At that 
time Sir Ilumfrey Gilbert, a Devonshire Knight, came thither 
with two good ships and a Pinnace, and brought with him a 
large Patent from the late most renowned Queene Elizabeth, 
and in her name tooke possession of that countrey, in the 
Harbour of S. Johns, whereof I was an eye-witnesse." 

Page 30. 
" A learned discourse, intituled, ' A Trve Meporte, " <&c. 

The full title of this book is : — 

"A Trve Reporte of the late Discoveries, and Possession, 
taken in the Right of the Crowne of Englande of the Newfound 
Landes : By that valiaunt and worthye Gentleman, Sir Hura- 
frey Gilbert Knight. Wherein is also brieefly sette downe her 
Highnesse lawfull Tytle therevnto, . . . London, by I. C. for 
lohn Hinde, 1583" 4to. 

It is dedicated to Secretary Walsingham, and signed G. P. 
The full name, Sir George Peckham, is given by Hakluyt, who 
reprints the Discourse in his folio of 1589, and in that of 1600. 

Peckham was " the chiefe adventurer and furtherer of Sir 
Hurafrey Gilbert's voyage to Newfound Land." His book 
was written soon after the return of the " Golden Hinde " 
(Edward Hayes, captain and owner) to Falmouth, 22d Septem- 
ber, 1583 ; at which time some hopes seem to have been enter- 
tained that Sir Humphrey Gilbert might have weathered the 
storm, and would reappear in England. The book is an urgent 
appeal for colonization, and for a new attempt to be made 
under the patent of Gilbert, which had not yet expired. Many 
of the facts and arguments adduced here are similar to those 

26 



202 APPENDIX. 

used by Hakluyt in this Discourse, and he must occasionally 
have drawn from it. The same may be said of the Discourse of 
Captain Carlyle, written in April, 1583, in advocacy of the 
voyage of Gilbert, before the sailing of that expedition on the 
11th June of that year, and published soon after. This was 
also printed by Hakluyt in his folios as above. Some considera- 
tions relating to trade and merchandise, urged by Carlyle, of 
which a great advantage was predicted for England by this 
scheme of colonization, were adopted by Hakluyt in this Dis- 
course. Mention should also be made of the Report of Edward 
Hayes, caj^tain of the " Golden Hinde," on " the voyage and suc- 
cesse thereof," of Sir H. Gilbert, written evidently after the 
Report of Sir George Peckham was penned, and after the 
fate of Gilbert was made certain. This also finds a place in 
Hakluyt's volumes. 

Pages 31, 32. 
Letter of Stephen Parmenius. He was in one of Gilbert's 
ships, the " Delight^'' which foundered at sea. 

The letter dated " In Newfound land, at Saint Johns Port, 
the 6th of August, 1583," is printed in Hakluyt, III. 161-163, 
with an English translation. The following is his rendering of 
the passages he quotes in the text: — 

" Of Fish here is incredible abundance, whereby great gaine 
growes to them that travell to these parts. The hooke is no 
sooner thrown e out, but it is eftsoones drawne vp with some 
goodly fish. The whole land is full of hilles and woods. The 
trees for the most part are Pynes, and of them some are very 
olde, and some yong : all the grasse here is long and tall and 
little difiereth from ours. It seemeth also that the nature of 
this soyle is fit for corne, for I found certaine blades and eares 
in a manner bearded, so that it appeareth that by manuring 
and sowing they may easily be framed for the vse of man. Here 
are in the woodes bush berries, or rather straw berries growing 
up like trees, of great sweetnesse. Beares also appeare about 
the fishers stages of the countrey. . . . 

" It is unknowne whither any mettals lye vnder the hilles . . . 
the very colour and hue of the hilles seeme to have some mynes 
in them. We mooued our Admirall to set the woods a fire so 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT S DISCOURSE. 2()6 

that wee might haue space and entrance to take view of the 
Countrcy, which motion did nothing displease him, were it not 
for feare of great inconuenience that might thereof insue : for it 
was rejjorted and confirmed by very credible persons, that 
when the like happened by chance in another Port the fish 
neuer came to the place about it for the space of 7. whole 
yeeres after, by reason of the waters made bitter by the Turpen- 
tine, and Rosen of the trees, which ran into the riuers upon the 
firing of them. The weather is so bote this time of the yeere, 
that except the very fish, which is layd out to be dryed by the 
sunne, be every day turned, it cannot possibly bee preserued 
from burning. . . . The ayr upon land is indifierent cleare, but 
at sea towards the east there is nothing els but perpetuall 
mists," &c. 

A memoir of Parmenius, with an English translation of his 
Latin poem, in Hakluyt, addressed to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
before the writer intended to embark with that navigator, will 
be found in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. IX. 49-75. They are by 
the Rev. Abiel Holmes, D.D. 

Pages 32, 33. 

" To 2)asse from Newfoundelande to 60 degrees^ I finde it 
beste described by Jasper CorterealisP 

The passage cited from Ramusio, III. 417, was not written 
by the navigator himself, as would be inferred from the language 
of Hakluyt. No account of the voyages of either of the brothers 
Corterial exists, written by the navigators themselves. Ample 
memorials of them, however, are preserved, and we can do no 
better service to the reader than to refer him to the note of 
Dr. Kohl in the first volume of our " Documentary History," 
pp. 164-173, who cites largely from the work of the learned 
Kunstmann, entitled "Die Entdeckung Amerika's, Miinchen, 
1859." See also Biddle's Cabot, pp. 237-244. The following 
is an English translation of the passage in the Discourse: — 

" Many cajjtains have sailed to that part of the new world 
whicli runs towards the north and north-west, over against our 
habitable part of Euro])e ; but the first (so fir as is known) Avas 
Gasparo Cortereale, a Portuguese, who went there in 1500 with 



204 APPENDIX. 

two caravels, thinking to find some strait through which he 
could get to the Spice Islands by a shorter route than going 
around Africa. He sailed so far that he came to a })lace where 
there was very great cold, and in the sixtieth degree of latitude 
he found a river covered with snow, from which he gave it the 
name, Rio Nevado [Snowed River], and he hadn't the courage 
to go farther. All this coast, which runs two hundred leagues 
from the said Rio Nevado to the port of Malvas, on the fifty- 
sixth degree, was seen to be full of people and well inhabited ; 
and landing he captured some of the natives to carry oflT with 
him. He also discovered many islands along the coast, all 
inhabited, and he gave a name to each one. The inhabitants 
are tall, well-proportioned men, but somewhat crafty ; and they 
paint their faces and their whole bodies with difierent colors 
for ornament. They wear silver and copper bracelets, and cover 
themselves with skins of martens and various other animals 
sewed together; in the winter they wear them with the fur 
inside, in the summer with the fur outside. For the most part 
their food is fish rather than any thing else, and especially 
salmon, of which they have a great abundance ; and although 
there are many kinds of birds and of fruits there, yet they make 
no account of any thing but fishes. Their dwellings are made 
of timber, of which they have plenty, as there are mighty and 
huge woods; and in place of tiles they cover them with the 
skins of fishes, which they catch veiy large and skin them. He 
saw many birds and other animals, especially bears entirely 
white." 

Page 34. 

" The Teste of this coaste from 60 to 63 is described by Fro- 
bisherP 

Sir Martin Frobisher, an eminent naval hero, was a native of 
Yorkshire. In 1576, he was sent out by Queen Elizabeth, with 
three vessels, to search for the North-west Passage. He dis- 
covered a cape on the northerly coast of America, to which 
he gave the name of "Elizabeth's Foreland," and also the 
strait which bears his own name. He was prevented by ice 
from entering the strait, but he entered a bay in latitude ^2>'^ N., 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 205 

and sailed many leagues. He landed somewhere to the north- 
ward of Labradoi', and kidnapped one of the natives. A piece 
of black stone which he brought home with him was pro- 
nounced by the London goldsmiths to be richly impregnated 
with gold. This only served to inspire hopes which subse- 
quent experience pi'oved delusive. Next year, with one ship and 
two barks, he sailed again for the north-west coast ; and, landing 
near Frobisher's Straits, he brought away more natives and 
more ore, which latter finally proved but "dross." In 1578, 
Frobisher set sail with fifteen ships, for the purpose of making 
a settlement in the country. But the design proved a failure. 
Soon after landing, a violent storm separated the fleet; and, 
although every ship returned to England, forty persons died 
on the voyage. The ships were freighted with the pretended 
gold-ore from the mines, " which proved worse than good stone, 
Avhereby many were deceived to their utter undoing." In 1577 
was published "A true report" of the voyage of that year, 
written by Dionyse Settle, one of the company. In the follow- 
ing year was published " A True Discourse of the late voyages 
of discoverie," &c., written by George Best, who sailed with 
Frobisher, giving an account of the three voyages. This has 
been reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, with ample notes. 



Pages 39, 40. 

" Jr? the yere of our Lorde 1564, ... a stibjecte of the then 
ticoo Erles of Emdon . . . wrote a notable discourse^'' <bc. See 
also p. 50. 

We have not been able to find any other reference to this 
discourse or its author. It is very well known that the 
English merchants residing in Antwerp, in consequence of the 
jealousies fomented against them, the restrictions laid upon 
their trade, and the bringing in there of the inquisition, re- 
moved this year (1564), with all their effects, to Embden. In 
the latter part of the previous year, negotiations had been 
entered into betAveen the English Government and the Coun- 
tess of East Friseland (of which Embden Avas the capital), and 
her sons the Earls, in relation to this movement, which was 



206 APPENDIX. 

brought about through the intervention of TJtenhovius, the 
chief member of the Dutch Church in London, a man well 
known to the Countess, and held in high esteem by her and 
Archbishop Grindall. A full account of it may be seen in 
Strype's History of the Life of Grindall, Oxford, 1821, chap, 
ix. 

The husband of the countess-mother, who now governed the 
country, was Enno II., born 1505, died 1540 ; married, in 1530, 
Ann, daughter of John IV., of Oldenburg, born 1501, died 
1575, Their children were : 1. Ezhard, born 24th June, 1532, 
died 1st March, 1599; 2. Christopher, born 1536, died 1566; 
3. John, born 1538, died 19th Setember, 1591. The second 
son was lame and feeble, and took no part in public affairs, and 
soon after died. (See Anderson's Royal Genealogies.) 

It is not improbable that some member of the Dutch Church 
in St. Austin Friars, London, — perhaps Utenhovius himselfj — 
was the author of the discourse to which Hakluyt here refers. 

Page 40. 
" In the 22(? hooke of Sleydans ComentariesP 

The edict of Charles V., 1550, appears in Sleidan's Commen- 
taries (Cap. XXII. p. 678 et seq., first published in Latin, in 
1555), in a summary of its provisions for the detection and 
punishment of the Lutherans and Bucerons. The following 
passages relating to the city of Antwerp are taken from the 
English version, published in London in 1560, "translated by 
John Daus." 

" When this decre was proclaimed, many were sore aston- 
ished, especially the high duch and English marchants, which 
occupy the traffick of marchandise in themperors townes & 
countries, especially at Andwarjoe, a great nobre. Wherefore 
they wer of this mind, y* vnles the decre wer mitigated, thei 
wold remoue to another place : yea mani of the shutting vp 
their shops purposed to depart, for thauoyding of y* dager. 
The Senate of Andwarp also, & thother citezens ther, which 
saw what a woderful losse this wold be to the, wer in a great 
perplexity : & whe thinquisitors came thither, they w'stode 
the withal theyr indeuor, & riding to the Lady reget, declare 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 207 

vnto her, what a losse it shuld be not to the only, but also to 
the whole region, if this decre take place. Wherefore the 
matter was, in the sarae city, for y* which the decre was 
chiefly made, by reaso of sodry natios & people there, ajj- 
peased for y^ time." (Fol, cccxlvii.) 

" For Mary Qneene of Hungary, Regent of Flaunders, was 
come thither [to Augusta], boeth for other matters and also for 
this cause chiefly, that the proclamation lately set forth in 
Flauders and those parties might be mitigated. For vnless it 
were so, she sayde it would conae to passe, that Andwerpe, 
which is nowe the beste frequented marte towne in the whole 
worlde, shoulde fall in decay and lose her former beautie. 
Moreover that ther was great daunger in all places of an insur- 
rection, in case the thinge should be put in execution. The 
Emperour very hardly acconsented at the laste, and altering those 
thinges that concerned marchauntes straungers, taketh away the 
name of inquisitione abhorred of all men, the residue he cora- 
maundeth to take place and to be observed." (Fol. cccxlix.) 

Page 41. 

" The opinion of that excellent man, Mr. Roherte Thome, 
extante in printe in the laste leafe savinge one of his discourse 
to Doctor JLea^'' <jbc. 

Hakluyt refers to the place in his own " Divers Voyages," 
1582, where this letter is printed, as per a copy of the original 
edition now before us. 

Page 47. 

" Chichimici — 3Iyles Phillipps^'' 

Miles Phillips was one of John Hawkins's sailors, who, with 
David Ingi-am (see p. 115 and note) and one hundred and 
twelve others, was set on shore on the coast of Mexico, in 1568. 
Phillips's narrative follows Ingram's in Hakluyt's folio of 1589, 
and is reprinted in his larger work (HI. 469-87), followed 
there by an account written by another of the sailors, Job 
Hortop. These two went to tlie city of Mexico, while Ingram 
went north. 



208 APPENDIX. 

The " Chichimici " described by Phillips were native Indians 
of the country. Gomara devotes a brief chapter to them in his 
" Historia de Mexico." The following is Thomas Nicholas's 
quaint rendering of him: — 

"In the lande nowe called new spayne are dyvers and sundry 
generations of people : but they holde opinion that the stocke of 
most antiquitie, is the people nowe called Chichimecas, which e 
proceeded out of the house of AcuUiiiacan, which standeth 
beyond Xalixo, about the yeare of our Lorde 720. Many of 
this generation did inhabite aboute the lake of Tenuclititlan^ but 
their name ended by mixture in marriage with other people. 
At that time they hadde no King, nor yet did builde eyther 
house or Towne. Their only dwellings was in caues in the 
Moutaynes. They went naked, they sowed no kind of graine, 
nor vscd bread of any sorte. They did maintayne themselves 
with rootes, hearbes, and siluester fruites : and beeing a people 
cunning in shooting with the bowe, they kylled deare, hares, 
connyes, and other beastes and foule, which they eate also, not 
sodden or rested, but rawe, and dryed in the sunne. They 
eate also Snakes, Lizardes, and other filthye beastes, yea and at 
this day there are some of this generation that vse the same 
dyet. But although they lined such a bestiall life, & being a 
people so barbarous, yet in their deuelish religion they were 
verye deuout. They worshipped the Sunne, unto whome they 
vsed to offer Snakes, Lizards, and such other beasts. They 
likewise offered vnto their God all kinde of foule, from the 
degree of an Eagle, to a little Butterflie. They vsed not sacri- 
fice of maslaughter, nor had any Idolles, no not so muche as 
of the Sunne, whome they helde for the sole and only God. 
They married but with one woman, & in no degree of kindred. 
They were a stout and a warlike people, by reason whereof 
they were the Lordes of the land." (" The Pleasant Historic 
of the Conquest of the Weast India," &c., London, 1578, 
pp. 378, 379.) 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 209 

Pages 47, 125. 
" Monsieur PoplynierP 

The work of L. V. de la Popelliniere was published at Paris 
in 1582, in the French language. On folio 34 et seq. of the 
Second Book will be found the " storye " to which he here 
refers. Although published four years before the account of 
Gourgues's voyage to Florida was issued by Basanier, his narra- 
tive will be found to include that voyage. The work published 
by Basanier, principally written by Laudonniere, giving a his- 
tory of the attempts of the French Huguenots to establish a 
colony in Florida, " had been concealed many years " in manu- 
script. It was published in Paris in 1586, dedicated to Sir 
Walter Raleigh ; and in the following year was translated into 
English by Hakluyt. It is included in his third volume of 
voyages, 1600. 

Page 53. 

" Hath hired at sotidry times the sonnes of Beliall to hereve 
the Prince of Orange of his life.'''' 

The life of William of Nassau was several times attempted 
by the hired assassins of Philip. In March, 1582, he was dan- 
gerously wounded by a ball, and barely escaped. Two years 
later, in July, 1584, while Hakluyt was in London writing this 
Discourse, another attempt was but too successful. (See 
Froude's England, XI. 16, 17, 561, 566, XII. 13.) 

Pages 54, 58. 
" Mounsieiir de AldegonndeP 

This author's name was Marnix de Sainte-Aldegonde. He 
was born in Brussels, in 1538, and died in 1598. He was a cele- 
brated writer, diplomat, and Calvinistic theologian. He was 
burgomaster of Antwerp, and at one time minister to England, 
whei-e Hakluyt probably knew him. "There were few more 
brilliant characters than he in all Christendom," says Motley, in 
an interesting notice of this remarkable man, in his United 
Netherlands, I. 145 et seq. Meursius, who gives a list of his 
publications, says of him : — 

27 



210 APPENDIX. 

" How great a master of politics and history he was, appears 
from that tract of his wherein he treats of the Designs of the 
SjMniards, who, aiming at universal monarchy, left nothing 
unatterapted. In that piece, like a Prophet, he foi*etold many 
political events, which have actually happened in Great Britain, 
Poland, and France." (Bayle's Diet. IX. 27.) 

The work to which Hakluyt refers in this Discourse, " extant 
in Latin, Italian, French, English, and Dutch," was published 
not long before the time at which he is writing. The only 
copy of it we have seen is a reprint of the Latin edition of 
1584, included in the collected writings of Marnix, printed at 
Brusseles in 1856-60. Its title is, "Ad potentissimos ac 
serenissimos reges, principes, reliquosque amplissimos christian! 
orbis ordines, seria de reip. christianoe statu ejusque salute atque 
incolumitate conservanda, Germani cujusdam nobilis et patriae 
amantis viri coramonefactio. M.D.LXXXIIII." Except the 
reference by Hakluyt, no copy in English has ever come under 
our notice. 

Page 64. 
''CAP. 7X" 

This chapter must be regarded as the " note gathered by an 
excellent Frenchman," referred to at the close of the preced- 
ing chapter. " Gulfe Dowse" on p. 66, may be a misspelling for 
" Gulfe Dulcet'' The story of the river, cut from the city of 
Mexico to Rio di Maio, in Florida, is only a specimen of the 
inexact knowledge of the country then existing. 

In the following chapter, "Aeriaba" and "Corsal" on p. 69, 
may be intended for " Uraba " and " Curasoa." 

Page 77. 

" And thus farr oute of the large volume of Don Darthol- 
meice de las Casas" &c. 

Hakluyt's citation is from a translation of Las Casas, published 
in London in 1583, entitled " The Spanish Colonic, or, Briefe 
Chronicle of the Acts and gestes of the Spaniardes in the West- 
Indies, called the newe Worlde, for the space of xl yeeres," &c. 
Purchas IV. 1567, et seq., quotes largely from this translation. 
The original was published at Seville in 1552. 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 211 

Page 86. 

« In my hooke of voyadgesP 

Hakluyt here refers directly to his » Divers Voyages," pub- 
lished two years before, in 1582, in which the Patent granted 
to John Cabot and his three sons, from which he here quotes, 
may be found. 

Pages 91, 92. 

'■'He that caste awaye the Admirall . . . this tyme twelve 
monethsP 

In his first folio, p. 700, Hakluyt publishes " A Relation of 
Richard Clarke, of Weymouth, master of the shippe called the 
Delight, going for the discouerie of Norumbega with Sir 
Humfrey Gilbert 1583. Written in excuse of that fault of 
casting away the shippe and men imputed to his ouersight." 
This vessel, the "Admiral," of one hundred and twenty tons, 
was cast away on Sable Island, 29th August, 1583. This shows 
the time at which Hakluyt is here writing. Farther on, at page 
101, he speaks of an event taking place " in the begynnynge 
of Auguste laste paste, of this yere, 1584." He is now about 
two-thirds through his book, which was finished, before the 
return of Raleigh's two barks, "about the middest of Sep- 
tember." 

Page 97. 

« The folly of John Grijalua for his not inhaUtinge that 
goodd and riche contrie of lucatonV 

Hakluyt copies the story from Cravaliz's Italian version of 
Gomara's History of Mexico, entitled, " Historia del illustriss. et 
valorosis. capitano don Ferdinando Cortes," &c., Rome, 1556. 
We will not trouble the reader by quoting the original Span- 
ish, now so easily accessible, but will give the quaint English 
version of Thomas Nicolas, published in 1578: — 

« John de Grijalua went to Xucatan, and there foughte with 
the Indians of Champoton, and was hurt. From thece he 
eutred the riuer Tauasco, which Grijalua hadde so named, in 



212 APPENDIX. 

the whiche place he bartered for things of small value. He had 
in exchannge golde, cloth of cotten wooll, and other curioias 
things wrought of feathers. He was also at Saint John de 
Vlhua, and tooke possession for the king, in the name of 
James Valasques, and there also exchanged his haberdashe 
wares for Golde and Couerlets of cotten, and feathers; and if 
he hadde considered his good fortune, he would haue planted 
habitation in so rich a land, as his company did earnestly re- 
quest him, and if he had so done, then had he bin as Cortes 
was. But suche wealth was not for him which knew it not, 
although he excused hiraselfe, saying, he went not to inhabite, 
but to barter onely in trafike of his Marchandize, and to dis- 
couer whether that land of Xucatan were an Hand, or no. 
. . . But when he came home [that is, to Cuba, of which Va- 
lasquez was governor] the Gouernor hauing hearde of his 
proceedings, would not looke upon him, whiche was hys just 
reward." (The Pleasant Historic of the Conquest of the 
Weast India, &c., p. 11.) 

Pages 98, 99. 

" The like story wee have . . . of Vccsques de Coronado^ 

Hakluyt here cites an Italian version of Gomara's " General 
Historic." The account is in Cap. CCXIV. of the original 
Spanish. The following, from Vol. III. pp. 381, 382, of Hak- 
luyt's larger work, is his translation of the quoted passages : 
"Francis Vasques fell from his horse in Tiguex, and with 
the fall fell out of his wits, and became madde. Which some 
took to be for griefe, and others thought it to be but counter- 
feited : for they were much offended with him, because hee 
peopled not the countrey. ... It grieved Don Antonio de 
Mendo9a very much that the army returned home : for hee 
had spent above three-score thousand pesos of golde in the 
enterprise. . . . Many sought to have dwelt thei-e ; but Francis 
Vasquez de Coronada, which was rich, and lately married to a 
(aire wife, would not consent, saying, that they could not main- 
taine nor defend themselves in a so j^oore a countrey, and so far 
from succour. They travelled aboue nine hundred leagues in 
this countrev." 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 213 



Page 100. 

« I had not so soone set furthe this to our companie, but 
many of them of red to tary there^ 

" And I ham lefte unto them for heade and rider, following e 
therein your pleasure, Capitaine Albert de la Pierria^'' &c. 

In Hakluyt's reprint of Ribault's narrative in his "Divers 
Voyages," there are radical errors, no doubt originally typo- 
graphical, in each of these sentences. In the first sentence, for 
«offi-ed" is substituted " aflfraid " ; and in the second, for "I 
have lefte unto them for heade and ruler," is the strange reading, 
" have left unto the forehead and rulers." These are on the 
leaf of Sig. G3, of the original edition of « Divers Voyages." 
The same errors exist in Racket's original tract, and they were 
faithfully copied by Hakluyt's printer. Having the French 
original to consult, Hakluyt now corrects these errors, the first 
of which was sufilcieutly obvious. 

Pages 102, 103. 
« Published and printed in Englishe before them" 

The meaning of the author here is a little obscure. 

If he means to say that the knowledge of the discovery of 
the Bay of St. Lawrence was published and printed in English, 
before it was piiblished by other nations, he is mistaken. His 
language is that of reproach to England, for not availing herself 
of her early information. He is speaking of what had been 
« revealed to us by books," and not of English discoveries. 

Page 109. 
" The discoverie . . . made in the norths by Sir Nicholas 
Zeny, Knighte, and Mr. Anthony, his brother, in the yere 1380." 

The narrative of the discoveries of the Zeni brothers was 
first published by Francesco Marcolini at Venice, in 1558, in a 
small volume, in 12mo, 63 leaves. A copy is in the library of 
Mrs. John Carter Brown, of Providence, R.I., having the rare 
orio-inal map. It was reprinted in the third edition of the 
second volume of Ramusio's collection, published also at Venice, 



214 APPENDIX. 

in 1574; and this is the volume Hakluyt refers to in our Dis- 
course. From this volume also he had translated the narrative 
for his "Divers Voyages," published in 1582. 

These voyages of the Zeni have for a long time been a puzzle 
to historians ; and, while some have been willing to admit that 
there might be a basis of truth in the narrative, others were 
quite disposed to throw the whole account aside as a fiction. 
And the minds of scholars were gradually settling down into 
the conviction that the latter alternative must finally be ac- 
cepted. Within a few years, however, the Hakluyt Society 
has reprinted the Zeno narrative in a new translation, edited, 
with notes and an introduction, by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A., 
&c., London, 1874. Adopting the suggestion of John Rein- 
hold Forster, in his " History of the Voyages and Discoveries 
made in the North," that the " Zichmni " of the Zeno story is 
the Venetian's rendering of " Sinclair," Mr. Major proceeds, by 
the aid of contemporary history, to identify the most important 
places mentioned in the narrative, which have hitherto been 
regarded as inexplicable. He also removes a serioiis objection 
by showing that the date given in the text, 1380, should be 
1390. He concludes his learned introduction, to which we 
gladly refer the reader for a complete history of the points in- 
volved in the discussion, with the following: " The book which 
has been declared to be ' one of the most puzzling in the whole 
circle of literature,' will henceforth b6 no puzzle at all." 

A resume of Mr. Major's essay may be seen in the Proceed- 
ings of the Massachusetts Historical Society for October, 1874, 
prepared by the author at the request of the Hon. Robert C. 
Winthrop, LL.D., the President of the Society. A heliotype 
facsimile of the original map is published with it. 

Pages 60, 113. 

" As the Secretary of Don Antonio^ Kinge of Portingale^ 
called Ciistodio Etan, tolde me lately at JParis." 

" Don Antonio^ Kinge of Portingale, shewed me in Paris 
this present somer^ a greate olde rounde carde^'' <&c. 

Don Antonio, the "Prior of Crato," one of the pretenders to 
the crown of Portugal after the death of Henry, in 1580, was 



NOTES TO HAKLUYTS DISCOURSE. 215 

chosen king by the people of that kingdom, but was soon 
driven off by the superior force of the Spanish power under 
Philip II., and Portugal became a province of Spain. Don 
Antonio took refuge in Paris, where Hakluyt often saw him. 
He also visited England, and obtained some aid in fitting out 
a fleet against Terceira ; and in 1589 he induced the Queen 
to fit out a naval expedition against Philip, with a view to his 
reinstatement on the throne of Portugal, in which Drake was 
one of the commanders. But the object was not accomplished. 
The career of this illegitimate son of one of the royal family of 
Portugal is too well known in the history of that period to be 
dwelt upon here. After spending fifteen years in the vain hope 
of obtaining eflEectual assistance in his cause, he died miserably 
at Paris, in 1595. M. Ferdinand Denis, in his "History of 
Portugal," p. 295, thus sperms of his parentage : — 

" Le prieur de Crato etait fils de I'infant don Luiz (et par 
consequent petit-fils d'Emmanuel) ; il I'avait ou de Violante 
Gomes, surnomm6e la PeUcana — dame humble par la nais- 
sance, mais d'une rare beaute, dit Castro, et qui mourut professe 
dans le monastere d'Almoster." See Froude's England, 
Vol. IX., passim; "Revue des Deux Mondes," Jan. 1, 1866, 
Vol. LXI. p. 68. 

Whether " Custodio Etan " was intended to describe an office 
held by Don Antonio's Secretary, or was a personal name, it is 
not clear. 

Page 113. 

" Don Antonio cU Castillo, embassador to her Majestie from 
Henry the Kinge of Portingale, tolde me here in London, the 
yere before his departure, that one Anus Corteriall," Sc. 

The passage here is substantially the same as that given by 
Hakluyt in his "Divers Voyages," though he says there that his 
informant was a "singularly grave and experienced man of 
Portugal," without giving his name. Mr. J. Winter Jones, the 
editor of the " Divers Voyages," for the Hakluyt Society, truly 
says that " Hakluyt was a man of easy fiuth, and too apt to 
repeat accounts as he received them, without stopping to verify 
or correct them " ; and he expresses a regret that he had not 



216 APPENDIX. 

given his authority as to this voyage of Anus Cortereal. The 
authority is now supplied, and would certainly seem to be suffi- 
cient, if Hakluyt's report can be relied on. It will be noticed 
that the account in this Discourse and that in the " Divers 
Voyages " differ by one degree as to the latitude reached. In 
the latter it is fifty-eight degrees. (See Biddle's Cabot, p. 286.) 
Don Antonio is described above as ambassador from Henry, 
King of Portugal. Henry died in 1580, when Portugal came 
under the yoke of Philip. But the ambassador was still in 
London in the following year, when Hakluyt saw and con- 
versed with him, and wrote of him as "by office, keeper of 
the records and monuments of their discoveries," &c. (III. 303.) 
In the Calendar of State Papers, Dom. Eliz. Adden. XXVII. 
74, April, 1582, is a letter from Antonio di Castillo to Walsing- 
ham, in which he says, " I shall leave to-morrow if the ship 
sails." 

Pages 113, 114. 

" A mightie large olde mappe in parchemente^ made as yt 
shoulde seme hy Verarsanus . . . nowe in the custodie of Mr. 
Michael Locked'' 

" An olde excellent glohe in the Queenes privie gallory at 
Westtninster" <&c. 

In the " Epistle Dedicatorie " to Hakluyt's " Divers Voyages " 
he speaks of this map as having been given to King Henry 
VIII. by Verrazzano. In this Discourse, the map, " made, as yt 
shoulde seme, by Verarsanus," is more particularly described as 
being " traced all alonge the coast from Florida to Cape Briton 
with many Italian names"; and the globe, also, which " seraeth 
to be of Verarsanus makinge, having the coast described in 
Italian," &c. 

Hakluyt probably had never heard the voyage of Verraz- 
zano called in question. In the chapter in which the map and 
globe are mentioned, he is pointing out the probability of a 
" north-west passage to Cathaio and China " ; and, among his 
other authorities, he cites these as having a narrow neck of land, 
in latitude 40° north, delineated upon them, dividing the two 
seas. Of course, he cites them on the authority of Verrazzano, 
not as a compiler of maps, — for that was not his vocation, — but 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 217 

as a discoverer. The authority must have had that significance 
in Hakluyt's mind. And Lok, who made his own map in some 
of its features from " Verarzanus plat," to accompany and illus- 
trate the letter of Verrazzano, must have been satisfied that 
this " mightie large olde mappe " was made in part to repre- 
sent that navigator's discoveries. 

But what may have been authority to Hakluyt, receiving all 
the documents relating to Verrazzano as genuine, may not 
have the same weight with us in discussing a question of fraud. 

If this map, or the globe, can in any way be directly con- 
nected with Verrazzano himself before his death, one point 
would be gained. Following this, if it can be shown that 
either of them was made to indicate the alleged discoveries 
of Verrazzano, another point would be gained. No one sup- 
poses, in this inquiry, that Verrazzano himself attempted to 
impose a discovery upon the world which he never made, but 
that the idea and attempt originated with another after his 
death. Now Hakluyt says, unqualifiedly, that the map, which 
in 1582 was in the custody of Lok, was presented by Verraz- 
zano to Henry VIII. What evidence the map bore to show 
this Ave do not know. This must have been before 1527, if 
Mr. Murphy is right as to the year of the navigator's death. 
Now, what was the significance of this gift to the sovereign of 
England? Is it probable that such a map would have been 
one compiled throughout from the ordinary sources of informa- 
tion already published to the world ? That is to say, would not 
its most interesting features have consisted in its delineations 
of some new discoveries? If the map was not made on the 
authority of Verrazzano, who else could have made it before the 
year 1526 or 1527? Hakluyt says in this Discourse — and the 
infoiTnation is now published for the first time — that this map, 
presented to the king by Verrazzano, was " traced all along the 
coast from Florida to Cape Briton with many Italian names," 
and to him it seemed to have been made by Verrazzano. 

If Hakluyt, therefore, is to be relied on, our first point 
would seem to be made probable ; namely, that the map was 
not only given by Verrazzano to the king, but that it was a map 
made by him, or on his authority. Secondly, that the map was 
intended as a memorial of Verrazzano's visit to our coast, would 

28 



218 APPENDIX. 

seem to be made probable, if not historically certain, by the 
recent discovery of a map in Rome, made by Jerome Verraz- 
zano, a kinsman of the navigator, which bears these indications 
upon it; which map appears similar to the one Hakluyt de- 
scribes. Indeed, were it not for the date in the legend on 
the map in Rome, indicating that it was compiled in 1529, 
we might conjecture that it was the identical map. Perhaps 
it was copied from Hakluyt's map. When a more particular 
description of the map in Rome is published, and it is found to 
contain Italian names all along our coast, as Hakluyt's map 
did, the argument will be strengthened. 

The want of accuracy in the Verrazzano map, in describing 
our whole coast line, should not necessarily militate against its 
genuineness, nor the fact that Hakluyt relied upon his copy as 
representing discoveries never made by Verrazzano, and never 
intended to be so understood. It is a map of the world, and 
therefore principally compiled from foreign sources. It could only 
represent Verrazzano's discoveries to a certain extent, on our 
coast : every thing else would be from other authorities, or be 
laid down by conjecture. The narrow isthmus dividing the 
two seas, which Hakluyt thought of so much importance, may 
not have been intended to represent what the navigator him- 
self saw. The latitude of the coast has serious errors, hardly 
to be explained ; but perhaps that isthmus was intended to be 
south of his landfall. In the map of Agnese, 1536, this isthmus 
is laid down, and a pricked line, representing the route of " el 
viages de France " to " Cataia provintia," runs through it ; and 
Dr. Kohl concludes that the existence of such an isthmus was 
at this time the prevailing opinion in France and Italy. Such 
may have been the opinion when this map Avas made, though 
the representation of the isthmus and the voyages was a fallacy. 

If the Carli letter, with the accompanying documents, is a 
forgery, no connection has yet been traced between its author 
and the author of the map, also alleged to be a forgery. It 
becomes necessary to impugn the editorial integrity of Ramusio, 
and to make him morally a party to the conspiracy. 

Mr. Murphy has set up an alihi for Verrazzano, which, if fully 
proved, would render the shedding of any more ink on this 
question imnecessary. He truly says that " it is impossible for 
Verrazzano to have been on the coast of North America, or on 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 219 

his return from Newfoundlnnd to France, and at the same time 
to have taken a ship on her way from the Indies to Portugal, 
coming as she must have done by the way of the Cape of Good 
Hope." (Voyage of Verrazzano, p. 145.) The story, said to have 
been brought by a courier of the King of Portugal to Spain, is 
told by Peter Martyr, in a letter from Valladolid, dated 3d of 
August, 1524, — less than a month after the alleged return of 
Verrazzano to Dieppe from his voyage of discovery. No date 
is given as to when the transaction took place, nor where on 
the ocean the vessel was taken. The identity of " Florin, the 
French pirate " Avith Verrazzano would seem to be well estab- 
lished, but the story may have been a mere rumor and not an 
official report of a well-known fact. If such an act of piracy 
had taken place, it may have been by a mere suspicion that 
Verrazzano was connected with it. We hear nothing further 
of it. Mr. Murphy is quite right in putting in this piece of 
evidence as a make-weight in the case which he has so skilfully 
drawn up. If the act alleged could have been established, 
nothing else, as we have already said, need have been written. 
Verrazzano could hardly have concluded his voyage of dis- 
covery with an episode of this nature. 

Mr, Murphy, on the authority of the late Buckingham Smith, 
has shown that Verrazzano, under the name of Juan Florin, 
was executed, by order of the emperor, near Puerto del Pico, in 
Spain, 13 Oct, 1527. Of course, the conjecture of Mr. Bid- 
die, that this navigator accompanied the expedition under John 
Rut, which sailed from Plymouth in June of that year for Norura- 
bega, and that on the coasts of North America he was killed by 
the natives, as reported also by Ramusio, must be set aside. 
Rut's only surviving vessel returned home in October of the 
same year. (Biddle's Cabot, p. 272, et seq. ; Hakluyt, III. 129 ; 
Purchas, III. 809.) 

Page 114 

" Gerardus Mercator . . . you write greate matters . . . of 
the newe voyadgeP 

The extract from the letter of Mercator to his son was also pub- 
lished in "The Epistle Dedicatorie" to the " Divers Voyages," 
1582 ; but it there reads " nova FrohisJieri navigatione," the 
reference being to the new discovery of Frobisher. 



220 APPENDIX. 

Page 115. 
" The relation of David Ingram conjwmeth the sained 

David Ingram, of Barking, in the county of Essex, was a 
sailor in one of John Hawkins's slave expeditions, in the year 
1567 and 1568. In the month of October, 1568, being on the 
coast of Mexico during a violent storm which destroyed some 
of the vessels, he and one hundred and thirteen others were set 
on shore at "about five leagues to the west of the Rio de 
Minas." A part of the company, including Myles Phillips, set 
out toward the west, some of them reaching Mexico. Fifty- 
three of the number, including David Ingram, went north. If 
his story is true, he must have travelled the whole length of 
what is now the United States, on its southern and eastern 
borders, arriving finally at the head of a river called Garinda, 
sixty leagues west from Cape Breton, where he and his only 
two remaining companions embarked in a French ship for 
New Haven in France, and " from thence they were transferred 
into England, Anno Dom. 1569." Ingram's " Relation " was 
published by Hakluyt in his folio of 1589, at pp. 557-62. To 
the heading there given, the following may be added from a 
manuscript copy of the " Relation " in the British Museum, 
Sloane Manuscripts, No. 1447, fol. 1-18; "w*='' he reported 
vnto S'' Frauncys Walsinghin, Knight, and diuers others of 
good judgment and creditt, in August and Septembar, A° Dni, 
1582." 

Ingram's narrative is here cited as evidence of the existence 
of the long-sought passage through to the Pacific. His descrip- 
tion of the country through which he passed, with his account 
of the mannei's and customs of the natives, &c., has all the air 
of a romance or fiction ; and it is somewhat significant that 
Hakluyt, who is rarely critical in accepting statements of 
travellers, omits the narrative in his larger work. And Pur- 
chas, in his account of the voyages of Hawkins, Drake, and 
others to divers parts of America, says (IV. 1179), "As for 
David Ingram's perambulation to the north parts. Master Hak- 
luyt, in his first edition, published the same ; but it seemeth some 
incredibilities of his reports caused him to leaue him out in the 



NOTES TO HAKLUYt's DISCOURSE. 221 

next impression, the reward of lying being not to be beleeued 
in truths." Ingram was examined by Walsingham and others 
at the time the voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, of the follow- 
ing year, 1583, was in preparation, at which time his story was 
reduced to writing. He may have traversed the country from 
the point in Mexico where he was put on shore to the coast of 
Maine, in which case he and his companions are the first 
Englishmen of whom we have any record who placed their 
feet on the soil of New England ; unless, according to the con- 
jecture of Dr. Kohl, those on board the Mary of Guilford, in 
Rut's expedition, in 1527, are entitled to that honor. For his 
description of what he saw in his travels he must have drawn 
largely on his imagination. He mentions among other places 
" Norumbega," but affords no intelligible information as to its 
location. 

The relation of Ingram was published in " Documents con- 
nected with the history of South Carolina, Edited by Plowden 
Charles Gennett Weston, and printed for private distribution 
only, London, 1856," from the manuscript in the British Mu- 
seum, the editor evidently not being aware that it had been 
previously published by Hakluyt. 

Pages 118, 119. 
" Madock ap Owen Guyneth . . . the hooJce sett furthe this 
yere . . . dedicated to Sir Henry Sidney.'''' 

The title of this book published the year Hakluyt wrote this 
Discourse is, " The Historic of Cambria, now called Wales : a 
part of the most famous Yland of Brytaine, written in the 
Brytish language aboue two hundrdth yeares past. Ti'anslated 
into English by H. Lhoyd, Gentleman. Corrected, augmented, 
and continued out of records and best approoued authors by 
Dauid Powel, Doctor in Diuinitie. Cvm Priuilegio, 1584." 4to. 

It is dedicated " To the Right worshipfull Sir Philip Sidney, 
Knight." Hakluyt made a slip of the pen when he wrote 
" Henry Sidney," who was the father of Philip. This work 
was originally written by Caradoc of Lhancai'van, in the Welsh 
language. It has been several times reprinted. 

The story of the voyage of " INIadock," taken out of this book, 



222 APPENDIX. 

was published in Hakluyt's folio of 1589, p. 506, and in his 
larger work, III. 1. 

Pages 119, 120. 

" The historie of Ferdinandus Columbus of the relation of 
the life and doinges of his father.^'' 

Fernando Columbus was the second son of the Admiral. His 
mother was Dona Beatrix Eni-iquez, to whom it is generally 
supposed his father was never married. Becoming a man of 
letters, he collected at Seville a library of more than twenty 
thousand volumes, in print and in manuscript. He wrote a Life 
of the Admiral, which, notwithstanding its errors, Irving pro- 
nounces " the corner-stone of the histoiy of the American Con- 
tinent." This work, so far as is known, was never published in 
the original Spanish in which it was composed, but was trans- 
lated into Italian by Alfonso VIloa, and published at Venice in 
1571, thirty-two years after the death of the author. The origi- 
nal manuscript is not known to be extant, and the work only 
exists in Spanish in the form of a retranslation from that of 
Vlloa. In 1872, a book was published in Paris, under the title 
" Fernand Colomb, sa Vie, ses CEuvres. Essai Critique, par I'au- 
teur de la Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima " (Mr. Harrisse), 
issued in Spanish in 1871, in which the writer contends that 
Fernando Columbus was not the author of this Life of the Ad- 
miral, that it was not originally composed in Spanish, but in 
the language in which it was first published. This book was 
reviewed, and its positions controverted, by the late learned 
M. D'Avezac, in the "Bulletin de la Societe de Geographic de 
Paris," October and November, 1873, in which Bulletin a 
rejoinder subsequently appeared by the author of the essay. 

This Life of the Admiral was translated into English, and 
published in Churchill's " Collection of Voyages and Travels," 
London, 1704, II. 559-688. 

Pages 122, 126, 128. 

" A very greate and large parte, as well of the continent as 
of the ilandes, loas firste discovered for the Kinge of England 
by Sebastian Gabote, an Englishe man, borne in JBristoll, the 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 223 

Sonne of John Gdbote, a Venesian, in the yere of our Lorde 
1496," 4-c. 

" But Gahote made his greate discoverie in the yere 1496, as 
he testifieth in his relation above mentioned. And the day of 
the moneth is also added in his oione mappe, which is yn the 
Qi/eenes privie gallorie at Westminster, the copye whereof was 
sett oute by Mr. Clemente Adams, and is in many marchantes 
hotcses in London. 

" Yet wee of England are the firste discoverers of the con- 
tinent above a yere and more before them, to xoitt, 1496, or, as 
Clement Adams saieth, 1494, in the chapiter of Gabotts mapp 
De terra nova," &c. 

Hakluyt, in these passages, is setting forth the claim of 
England to the prior discovery of the continent of the New 
World, and he cites the earliest dates he finds recorded. That 
of 1496 he finds in the conversation reported by Rarausio. The 
manner in which he refers to tlie date on a copy of Adams's 
edition of Cabot's iiiap shows that he has but little confi<lence in 
that date. He seems to throw it in for what it is worth, with- 
out analyzing the various conflicting authorities before him, 
including those previously cited in his " Divers Voyages," pub- 
lished two years before, and more largely in his later volumes; 
while one should bear in mind that here, and in all his later 
works, he never speaks of but one voyage. We refrain here 
from pursuing a discussion as to the year of the Cabots' dis- 
covery, or of the conflicting claims of the father and the 
son, and will only express an opinion that the recent publica- 
tion fi-om the Venetian and Spanish archives has settled the 
question, if there had previously been any doubt upon it, that 
1497 is the true date, and that to John Cabot is due the honor 
of the discovery. Considerable discussion has also appeared 
within a few years relative to a map, supposed to be that of 
Sebastian Cabot, in the Imperial Library in Paris, procured 
in 1844; more especially since the publication of M. Jomard's 
copy of it in his "Monuments de la Geographic." (See Pro- 
ceedings Am. Antiq. Soc. for April, 1867; Dr. Asher's "Henry 
Hudson " ; Dr. Kohl and M. D'Avezac, in Vol. I. " Documen- 
tary History of Maine.") In Hakluyt's folio of 1589, five years 



224 APPENDIX. 

after this Discourse was written, he cites, among the authorities 
for Cabot's voyage, " An extract taken out of the mappe of 
Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, concerning his dis- 
coverie of the West Indias, wliich is to be scene in her Majesties 
Priuie Gallerie at "Westminster, and in many other auncient 
merchants houses." Then comes the well-known " extract " 
in Latin, followed by Hakluyt's English version. The heading 
is a little equivocal in its language ; but Hakluyt undoubtedly 
meant to say that the map in the Queen's privy gallery was 
Clement Adams's map, copied from that of Cabot. But, in the 
passage above cited from this Discourse, Hakluyt clearly says 
that Cabot's " owne mappe " is in the Queen's privy gallery, and 
that Adams's copies of it were to be seen in many merchants' 
houses. But this must be regarded as another instance of 
Hakluyt's loose way of writing. If Cabot's original map had 
been, in Hakluyt's time, hanging in the gallery at Whitehall, 
he certainly would have consulted it, and referred to it here 
and in his later publications, in preference to a copy. Besides, 
the manner in which he refers, on page 128, to Adams's copy^ 
for an important date, shows clearly that the original was not 
accessible to him. 

We will also refer, in passing, to the sad work which Purchas 
makes (HI. 807), in describing this map in his Majesty's privy 
gallery, which " some say," he notes in the margin, " was taken 
out of Sir Seb. Cabot's map by Clem. Adams 1549." He 
speaks of it as " the great map in his Majesties priuie Gallerie, 
of which Sebastian Cabot is often therein called the Author, 
and his picture is therein drawne, with this Title, Effigies Sebast. 
Caboti Anfflij Jilij lo. Ca. Venetiani, 3Iilitis Aiirati, c&c." 
And in Vol. IV. p. 1812, in discussing the year of Cabot's dis- 
covery, he says, " The map with his picture in the Priuy 
Gallery hath 1497." Unless we are to suppose that Clement 
Adams's edition of Cabot's map had Cabot's picture drawn in it, 
we must suppose that Purchas has here confusedly, or from 
wrong information, described the map, in connection with a 
well-known portrait of Cabot, for a long time erroneously sup- 
posed to have been painted by Holbein, then in the king's 
privy gallery at Whitehall, with the inscription upon it, which 
he has given in an abbreviated form. There is, however, no 
date of the year of the discovery on the picture ; and, if Purchas 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT S DISCOURSE. 



225 



had ever examined the map, he would have seen that the year 
there given is 1494. The truth is, that Purchas (IK. 807) is 
here copying out of the third volume of Hakluyt's larger work; 
and he adopts the date there of 1497, perhaps without know- 
ing that the folio of 1589 gave the date 1494, which was the 
date on the map cited by Hakluyt. 

From this Discourse, at page 128, we now know with cer- 
tainty that Adams's cop;/ of Cabot's map bore the date 1494 on 
it, agreeing with the date given in the inscription on the map 
in the Imperial Library, and that Hakluyt copied it correctly 
into his folio of 1589. Dr. Asher, in his « Henry Hudson," page 
Izviii., unjustly says that "Adams deliberately alters the date 
from 1494 to 1497." Asher had never consulted Hakluyt's folio 
of 1589, and had only seen his later work, in which the date 
is altered from 1494 to 1497. As Hakluyt gave no authority 
for this alteration, made in 1600, M. D'Avezac thinks this latter 
date a typographical error. Xo copy of Adams's map is known 
to be in existence, neither do we know the year it was made. 
In the citation from the margin of Purchas (III. 807), quoted 
above, the date " 1549 " is given at the close. Whether this is in- 
tended to refer to the year in which Adams's copy was made, 
or to the date of the map he copied from, is uncertain. There 
are supposed to have been at least two editions of Cabot's 
original map. The one referred to, in the Imperial Library, 
bea'i-s date 1544 ; that is to say, that is the year given in section 
xvii. of the legends on it. In a copy seen by Chytraeus, at 
Oxford, and from which he has copied the inscriptions, in his 
"Variorvm in Evropa Itinervm Deliciae," first published in 
1594, the date 1549 is given in that section. 

We have called these two maps Cabot's " original maps " ; 
but we do not forget that Dr. Kohl, in his analysis of the map 
in Paris, has serious doubts of its being made by Cabot (" Docu- 
mentary History of Maine," Vol. I. pp. 358-371). The writer 
of this note had previously expressed his doubts as to the 
inscriptions being all written by Cabot, after he had consulted 
the Paris map in 1866. (" Remarks on Sebastian Cabot's Mappe 
Monde," Cambridge, 1867.) 

There is yet a mystery hanging over Clement Adams's edition 
of Cabot's map. The map in the Imperial Library contains on 

29 



226 APPENDIX. 

its margins the inscriptions, or legends^ refeiTed to, both in 
Spanish and in Latin. In Hakhiyt's quotation from Adams's 
copy (which corresponds to Section VIII., of the map in 
Paris), to which he appears to give a heading of his own, the 
Latin legend is different from that on the Paris map and from 
that described by Chytraeus. The substance is nearly the same, 
but the variations in the language would indicate perhaps dif- 
ferent translations from one Spanish original. Did Adams tran- 
scribe from still another copy of Cabot's map yet to be discov- 
ered, or did he make a new version of the Latin himself? This 
latter would certainly be a useless and an unauthorized proceed- 
ing. Clement Adams was probably not living at the time Hak- 
luyt was writing this Discourse. Eden (Decades, 1555, fol. 256) 
speaks of him as " that lerned young man . . . scole mayster 
to the Queenes henshemen," and as having " written largely 
and faythfully in the Laten tonge " Richard Chancellor's 
account of his voyage toward Cathai ; of which Hakluyt pub- 
lished a translation in his larger work (I. 243 et seq.). 

Hakluyt here speaks of Sebastian Cabot as an Englishman, 
born in Bristol. The evidence of this has seemed to be sat- 
isfactory, on the authority of Cabot himself, as furnished by 
Eden (Decades, 255) in a well-known marginal note. But M. 
D'Avezac has shewn conclusively that he was born in Venice. 
(See Doc. Hist, of Maine, Vol. I. p. 505.) 

Since the above was written, some years ago, there has 
appeared a memoir by Mr. Richard Henry Major, a high 
authority, entitled " The True Date of the English Discovery 
of the American Continent under John and Sebastian Cabot," 
communicated to the Archaeologia, VoL XLIII. pp. 17-42, 1870. 
In this paper, Mr. Major, with his usual ability, discusses the ques- 
tion of the Cabot map, and the different views of Dr. Kohl and 
M. D'Avezac respecting it, in Vol. I. of " Documentary History 
of Maine" ; and the conclusion to which he has arrived is, that 
Sebastian Cabot originally drew a map, with legends, or in- 
scriptions, upon it, in Spanish only, and that the date of the 
discovery, 1497, was there expressed in Roman capitals ; that 
the letter V in the numerals VII. was carelessly drawn, and 
not well joined at the base, so that a reader might well take it 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 227 

for II; that this might more easily occur in a manuscript, 
especially on parchment, than on an engraved map on j^aper ; 
that this manuscript map of Cabot was copied and engraved 
by others ; that the map in the National Library in Paris was 
one of those copies, the Latin inscriptions upon it being added 
by the compiler of that map, some of which had no Spanish 
originals on the manuscript map of Cabot ; and that the copyist 
erred, for reasons given above, in inserting the year of discov- 
ery as 1494, in Section VIII. of the inscriptions. So also of the 
copy made by Clement Adams from the Spanish original, which 
Hakluyt used. He made an independent translation of the 
inscriptions into Latin, which accounts for the two Latin ver- 
sions, and also made the same error, for the same reason, in 
giving the date of discovery 1494, instead of 1497. "We will 
add here that some hints towards the same explanation offered 
above, as to the alleged error in the copies taken from Cabot's 
map, were suggested to the writer personally by his friend, Mr. 
Henry Stevens, some years ago, and they are briefly stated by 
Mr. Stevens in a little book, entitled " Sebastian Cabot — John 
Cabot . . . Boston, March, 1870," p. 13. 

As evidence that the Paris map, which Dr. Kohl thinks was 
made in Germany, or Belgium, was copied from a Spanish 
manuscript map, Mr. Major cites the instance of the name 
Laguna de Nicaragua being rendered into "Laguna de Nica- 
xagoe." Instead of an r there is an x. The Spanish manu- 
script r being in the form of our northern cc, the transcriber 
showed his ignorance by substituting the one letter for the 
other. 

Page 123. 

" These he the very wordes of this (/e?it, lohich he uttered to 
certen noblemen of Venice,^'' <ltc. 

This translation of Ramusio's report of the conversation at 
the house of Fracastor, in Venice, is different from that s^ibse- 
queutly inserted by Hakluyt into his folio of 1589, at pp. 
512-13, which was taken from Eden, fol. 255. The words "as 
far as I remember," preceding the date " 1496," in this latter 
version, and retained by Hakluyt, furnished one of the occasions 
for Mr. Biddle's onslausrht on our author. 



228 APPENDIX. 

It may well be an object of surprise that so much importance 
should have been attached to a conversation, coming by a route 
so circuitous, as to its affording any definite historical data. 
Its value cannot rise much above that of tradition. The story 
comes through two persons, a long time occurring before the 
first repetition of it; the original narrator being Sebastian 
Cabot. It is difficult to see on what authority Eden, whom 
Hakluyt follows, connects Butrigarius with this conversation. 
Kamusio does not mention his name. He reports what was 
said a fcAV years before at the house of Fracastor, by a cer- 
tain learned man, not named, who relates an intervie.w he had 
formerly had with Cabot. 

The conversation took place between 1548 (the year in 
which the work of Jacobus Tevius, mentioned by the principal 
interlocutor, was issued) and its publication in the first volume 
of Ramusio. That volume was first published in 1550. We 
have never seen a copy of it, and do not know if this Discorso 
was inserted in it. But it certainly was printed in the second 
edition of that volume, published in 1554. Eden inserted 
an English translation of part of it, in his "Decades," in 
the following year. Galeatius Butrigarius, of Bologna, was 
the Pope's legate in Spain, more than thirty-five years before 
this conversation took place. Peter Martyr, in beginning his 
second Decade, addressed to Pope Leo, written in 1513 or 1514, 
sjjeaks of having met Butrigarius in Spain, and being much 
in his company. 

That part of this same conversation, on pp. 115 and 116 of our 
Discourse, is also not from Eden's version, who, by the way, 
has omitted a large part of the "Discorso sopra li Viaggi delle 
Spetierie," in Ramusio, Vol. I. pp. 371-375. 

Page 125. 

^'' Ferdinand us Columbus . . . which was with his father 
in the [third'\ voyage.'" 

Oviedo makes this statement, as Hakluyt truly asserts, but 
Ferdinand was then a child, only ten or eleven years old, and 
was a i>age at coui't. He, however, accompanied his father 
on his fourth voyage, in 1502, when he was fourteen or fifteen 
years old. 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 229 



Page 127. 
" GomaraP 
This writer, so often quoted in this Discourse, was born at 
Seville in 1510, and was for some time professor of Rhetoric at 
Alcala. He resided for a period in Italy, and enlarged his 
knowledge beyond that of his contemporaries by acquaintance 
with distinguished men of the time. On the return of Cortes 
to Spain, Gomara became his Secretary, and on his patron's 
death continued in the service of his son. At this time, he 
wrote his Chronicle of the Conquest of Mexico, from informa- 
tion largely gathered from the conqueror. This work and 
his General History of the Indies were published in 1652-53, 
at Saragossa. They have been often reprinted, and have been 
translated into Italian and French, and the former into English. 
For an estimate of his writings, see Prescott's Histories of 
Mexico and Peru and Ticknor's Spanish Literature, The 
various editions of the two Histories are enumerated by Bartlett, 
in his luxurious catalogue of books in the John Carter Brown 
Library, so rich in works relating to North and South America. 
See also Brunet. 

Page 127. 

'■'■ Franciscus Lopez de Oomera^ in the 4 chapiter of his 
seconde hoohe of his Geiverall Historie of the Indies^'' &c. 

The passage quoted from Gomara is in Cap. XXXIX. of the 
Spanish original. A French version by Fumee had been pub- 
lished in 1569, and in this the matter is distributed into Books. 
Hakluyt made his English version of this passage from that, 
and it is the same which he subsequently incorporated into his 
folio of 1589, at page 514. There is a singular rendering of one 
sentence, in which he says that Cabot " took the way towards 
Island [Iceland] from beyond the Cape of Labrador," &c. Even 
the French version does not authorize such a translation. The 
original Spanish reads, "camino la buelta de Islandia sobre 
cobo del Labrador," Avhich Eden, with whom Hakluyt was 
fjimiliar, renders, he " directed his course by the tracte of Is- 
lande vppon the cape of Laborador," &c. (fol. 318; Biddle's 



230 APPENDIX. 

Cabot, pp. 20, 21 ; La Historia General de las Indias, ed. of 
1554, fol. 31.) See note on Fumee's version, pp. 236, 237. 

On the same page of this Discourse is a citation from the 
same author, where he gives tlie erroneous date of 1497, instead 
of 1498, as the year in which Columbus sailed on his third 
voyage. 

Page 128. 

" The discovery of John Ponce of Leon, heinge in anno 
1512." 

Most writers, from Hakluyt's time to our own day, have given 
the above-named year as that of Ponce de Leon's discovery of 
Florida. The true date is 1513. The error probably occurred by 
not noting the variation which prevailed in the mode of reckon- 
ing time. This navigator sailed from Porto Pico 3d March, and 
discovered the land of Florida on the 27th of the same month. 

It should not be forgotten that there are some indications 
that this peninsula was seen a few years before by other naviga- 
tors. On Peter Martyr's map, printed at Seville in 1511, "isla 
de beimeni " is inscribed on land situated near where Florida 
should be. " Bimina " is a name which one or more small 
islands of the Bahama group now bears. (Stevens's Hist, and 
Geogr. notes, p. 36, and Martyr's map ; Brevoort's Verrazano 
the Navigator, p. 69; Kohl, Doc. Hist, of Maine, L 240). 

On page 22 of our Discourse, Hakluyt speaks of the voyage 
of Gomez to our coasts as taking place in the same year as that 
of Verrazzano, 1524. Gomez sailed in February, 1525, reckon- 
ing the year as beginning January 1. 



Page 137. 
" In the space of ^^ and xij yeres.'''' 

That is, " in the space of 4 times 20 and 12 years," or 92 
years from the time he is writing (1584), which gives the date 
1492. 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 231 



Page 141. 

" Which division, hoioe God caused to be deryded hy the 
mouthe of a poor, sim2)le childe^'' &c. 

The incident here related from Gomara, which Hakluyt ren- 
ders from the French of Fumee, and which Eden, fol. 242, trans- 
lates from the Spanish, belongs to the year 1524, at the assembling 
of the Congress of Badajos. The following smiimary of the 
points discussed in that assembly, by the learned editor of the 
Hakluyt Society's edition of the " Divers Voyages," is taken 
from pp. 47, 48 of that work. After the treaty of Tordissillas, 
vexed questions constantly arose between the two powers, 
owing in part to later discoveries, and to the alleged impracti- 
cability of settling the terms of that agreement. 

"In the year 1524, a serious effort was made to settle these 
differences; and commissioners from both crowns met at the 
boundary between Badajoz and Yelves. It had been previously 
agreed [by the treaty of Tordesillas, 1494] that the Portu- 
guese should be allowed the three hundred and seventy leagues, 
. . . and the points to be discussed were — 1. Upon what 
medium the line of demarcation should be made, whether upon 
the marine chart or upon the spherical map ; 2. How they 
should fix the proper situation of the Cape Verde Islands ; and, 
3. From which of the Cape Verde Islands they should com- 
mence the measurement of the three hundred and seventy 
leagues, for the line of demarcation. Difficulties immediately 
arose. There was found to be a difference of seventy leagues 
between the situation of places as laid down in the maps pi*o- 
duced by the Spaniards and the Portuguese. Again, the Portu- 
guese wished to measure the three hundred and seventy leagues 
from La Sal, the most eastern of the Cape Verde Islands ; the 
Spaniards, from San Antonio, the most western : the distance 
between the two being not less than seventy leagues. The 
Portuguese rejected both the marine charts and maps of the 
Spaniards, and endeavored to confine the inquiry to the question 
'of actual possession of the vSpice Islands; the Spanish commis- 
sioners, on the other hand, insisted upon fixing the line of demar- 
cation, affirming that the line of partition for the three hundred 



232 



APPENDIX. 



and seventy leagues must commence at the Island of San An- 
tonio, and that the Maluccas, Sumatra, Malacca, tlie Philippine 
Islands, and also China, fell within the line of demarcation for 
Castillo, by many degrees, and that their situation was not in 
the longitude affirmed by the Portuguese. In the midst of 
these discussions, the term for which the commission was 
appointed expired, and the commissioners ultimately came to 
the decision that they could decide nothing ; and, not knowing 
what better to do, left the matter to be settled by their re- 
spective sovereigns, — Herrera, Historia de la Espana^ tom. i. 
Descripcion, p. 2, Dec, III,, lib. vi. Cap. 3-8 ; Navarrete, Collec- 
cion, tom. iv. p. 310 et seq" 



Pages 138, 142. 

" The J^ull was graunted in the yere 1493, the iiij*^ of the 
moneth of MayP 

'■''In which repetition of his donation the seconde time^'' <&c. 

What is known as the bull of " concession " was dated the 
3d of May ("quinto nonas Mali"), 1493, and the bull of "par- 
tition," the more famous one, was dated the following day, the 
4th of May (" quarto nonas Mail " ). On the differences between 
these two papal mandates (including also a notice of the bull 
of "extension," of the 25th of September of the same year), see 
Humboldt's "Examen. crit." III. 52-54; also "Cosmos," II. 
655-658, ed. Bohn. Both these bulls may be seen in "Na- 
varrete," II. 23-35. That of the 4th of May is in Gomara, 
" La Historia," Cap. XIX,, and also in Eden, " Decades," fol. 
167-70, followed by an English version; and a more exact 
rendering may be seen in Spotorno's " Memorials of Colum- 
bus " (English ed.). Doc, xxxviii. The two bulls are literally 
the same in the first half; after which, in the second bull, the 
divergence begins where the line of demarcation is first laid 
down. Irving, in his "Life and Voyages of Columbus," Chap. 
VIII., and Jones, in his edition of the "Divers Voyages" (Hak- 
luyt Society), p, 42, refer to these bulls as dated the 2d and 3d* 
of May. The dates in the nones of the Roman Calendar are 
given above. There were really two bulls of " concession " 



NOTES TO HAKLUYt's DISCOURSE. 233 

issued on the 3il of May. One of these, much more brief than 
the other, is published in Raynaldus's continuation of Baronius, 
IX. 213, 214. See also Spotorno, as above, p. Ixvii. 

The bull of " concession " ceded " to the Spanish sovereigns 
the same rights, privileges, and indulgences, in respect to the 
newly discovered regions, as had been accorded to the Portu- 
guese with regard to their African discoveries, under the same 
condition of planting the Catholic fliith," But, in order to 
guard against any conflicting claims between these two powers, 
the bull of " partition," on the following day, was issued, " con- 
taining the famous line of demarcation, by which their terri- 
tories were thought to be permanently defined. This was an 
ideal line drawn from the north to the south pole, one hundred 
leagues to the west of the Azores and the Cape de Verde 
Islands. All land discovered by the Spanish navigators to the 
west of this line, and which had not been taken possession of 
by any Christian power before the preceding Christmas, was to 
belong to the Spanish crown." (Irving, Book V. Chap. VIII.) 
Portugal is not mentioned in this last document, but a reserva- 
tion in her favor of all land discovered in the contrary direction 
is understood to be implied in it. 

The Portuguese were dissatisfied with this division, as they 
did not think it equitable to be obliged " to confine their navi- 
gation on the wide ocean to such narrow bounds, which pre- 
vented their ships from sailing a hundred leagues westward of 
their possessions." (Munoz, B. IV., section 28.) The Cape of 
Good Hope had not then been circumnavigated. But all appeals 
to the Pope for a revision of his partition in their favor were 
without eifect. Finally, in the following year, on the 7th of 
June, 1494, the famous treaty between the two powers, known 
as the " Capitulation of Tordesillas," was ratified. Its purpose 
was to secure to Portugal all that might be discovered within 
a line of demarcation to be drawn from the north to the south 
at three hundred and seventy leagues to the west of the islands 
of Cape de Verde. (Ibid.) 

The history of the struggles between the Spaniards and the 
Portuguese relative to the new discoveries, and of the agreements 
and negotiations respecting the same, since the establishment 
of the line of demarcation by the Pope, shows how little regard 

. 30 



234 APPENDIX. 

was paid to the authority by which that line was drawn. Of 
course any " concessions " from that source would be accepted 
by the party in whose favor they were made for what they 
were worth. Its moral support was something. But we have 
seen that the Portuguese early rebelled against the original 
partition, and it was set aside by the treaty of Tordesillas. 
In process of time, it became evident that the sole reliance of 
the powers must be in their own skill in maritime art, and in 
their ability to maintain their rights by force, or by successful 
negotiation. When the Spanish sovereigns first sought the 
sanction of the Pope to their claims, they intimated to him that 
they had been advised by learned men that their title to the 
newly discovered lands did not require his sanction, but, as 
pious princes and loyal subjects of the papal power, they asked 
for the concession. Thus early we see the foreshadowing of a 
theory which finally became incorporated into the law of 
nations, viz., " that discovery (of heathen countries, or of unoc- 
cupied lands) gave title to the government by whose subjects 
or by whose authority it was made, against all other European 
governments, which title might be consummated by possession." 
(Chief Justice Marshall, in Johnson and Graham v. Mcintosh.) 

The other great powers of Europe, including France, which 
bad little respect for the Pope's donation, and England, which 
derided it, becoming interested in Western discoveries, it be- 
came necessary, to prevent collision, to establish some rule of 
general recognition. " The King of France sent word to our 
great emperor," writes Bernal Diaz, in relating the incidents of 
the capture of some Spanish treasure-ships by Juan Florin, the 
French corsair, " that as he and the King of Portugal had 
divided the world between themselves, without ofiering him 
any part of it, he should like them to show him our father 
Adam's will, that he might convince himself whether lie had 
really constituted them the sole heirs of these countries. As 
long as they refused to comply with this, he would consider 
himself justified to possess himself of every thing he could on 
the high seas." Historia Verdadera, 1632, fol. 161, and Lock- 
hart's tr. II. 135. 

After it had become known that the new lands were not the 
eastern coast of Asia, and did not consist wholly of islands, 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT S DISCOURSE. 235 

but were substantially a large unbroken continent, questions 
would naturally arise as to hoAv much of this great territory 
one power could lay claim to by the landing of a few of its 
sailors upon the coast, and setting up there the arms of the 
sovereign. 

This became a pi'actical question, that had finally to be settled 
by the common sense of the civilized world ; and, though the 
strongest power usually gave the law for the time in all ques- 
tions involving international claims, the parties interested were 
so numerous that it became essential that all should unite on 
some equitable principle of agreement. It was regarded as 
preposterous that the mere discovery of a small part of a great 
continent should give a claim to the whole ; and it also seemed 
unreasonable that a mere discovery should constitute a claim, 
with no intention of taking possession, for colonization or settle- 
ment. Spain continued for many years the leading power in 
Europe, and her claims were unbounded. Those which were 
based on discovery and settlement were unquestionable. Be- 
sides her settlements in the West India islands, she established 
colonies on the north and west coasts of South America, and on 
the coast of lower California. In 1577, Sir Francis Drake sailed 
on his voyage round the world. He entered the Pacific through 
the Straits of Magellan, and, following the coast to the north, 
pillaged the Spanish ships moored in the harbors along the 
shore. Fearing to return the way he came, Avith his large 
treasure, he still went north, in hopes of finding a passage 
through to the Atlantic corresponding to that by which he came, 
in which he was disappointed. Entering a harbor in latitude 38°, 
or 38° 30' N., he there took possession of the coast in the name of 
her Majesty, and called it " New Albion." He returned home 
by way of the Pacific, and completed the circumnavigation of 
the globe. Arriving in England in 1580, the Spanish minister 
protested against the conduct of Drake. The two countries 
were then at peace. He demanded that the ill-gotten treasure 
should be restored, and contended, likewise, that the English 
were infringing the Spanish claim by sailing in those seas. 

The English government, in their answer to the latter claim, 
made this important declaration, namely, that they could not 
acknowledge the Spanish right to all that country, either by 



236 APPENDIX. 

donation from the Pope, or from their having touched here and 
there upon those coasts, built cottages, and given names to a few 
places; that this, by the Law of Nations, could not hinder 
other princes from freely navigating those seas, and transport- 
ing colonies to those parts where the Spaniards do not inhabit ; 
that prescription without possession availed nothing. (Cam- 
den's History of Elizabeth, English translation, 1688, p. 255 ; 
Purchas, IV. 1180, 1181.) 

We here see the i)rinciple contended for by England, who 
was soon to enter upon her career of colonization in the new 
world. This was four years before Hakluyt penned this Dis- 
course, in which he is urging the government to take possession 
of the unoccupied wastes, and colonize. And the same plea he 
had made two years before, in the dedication of his " Divers 
Voyages." 

Page 139. 

" But tnoved onely by his mere and franche Uberaltie, and 
for certeine secrete causes,'''' etc. 

We have not been able to find in the Pope's bull, either in 
that of concession or of partition, any language or phrase of 
which this last clause cited is an equivalent ; nothing like the 
act being inspired by " secret causes." The language of the 
original in both these instruments is, " Sed de nostra mera 
liberalitate, et ex certa scientia," &c. ; literally, " but of our 
own mei-e liberality and certain science," or knowledge. The 
same or similar language is generally used by sovereigns in 
making grants to their subjects, and appears in nearly all our 
royal charters for settlements in North America. In Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert's Patent of 1578, the Queen proceeds, " Know ye 
that of our special grace, certain science and meer motion, we 
have given and granted," &c. (Navarrete, II. 25, 32 ; Hakluyt, 
III. 135.) 

But Hakluyt evidently had before him, when he wrote this 
chapter, the imperfect French translation of Gomara's General 
History, by Fumee, in which the bull of partition is given, who 
thus renders this passage : " mais suelement esmeuz par nostre 
pure, et frache liberalite, et 2^our quelques secrettes caitses^'' &c., 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 237 

of which Hakluyt gives the English version at the head of this 
note. If he had consulted the Spanish Gomara, or Richard 
Eden's Decades, who both give the bull in Latin, and the latter 
an English version of it, he would have been spared the writing 
of a number of pages of this chapter. In the Italian translation 
of Goraara's General History, awkwardly published as the sec- 
ond part of Cieza, by Giordan Ziletti, in Venice, in 1565, this 
particular passage reads correctly thus : " ma di nostra libera- 
lita, et per certa scientia," &:c. (Fumee, as above, ed. 1606, fols. 
27, 28 ; Ziletti's Gomara, as above, fob 28.) 

Fumee's translation was first published in 1569, issued by 
two publishers, under different title-pages. A fifth edition of it 
appeared in 1584, in the preface to which the translator says 
that the first edition of the work was so hastily or badly exe- 
cuted that he thought it would have fiillen still-born from the 
press ; bixt, having learned to his surprise that it had reached 
the fourth edition, he took pity upon it and corrected it as far 
as in his power. On the title-page of the fifth edition is added : 
" Augmentee en ceste cinquiesme edition de la description de la 
nouuelle Espagne, et de la grande ville de Mexicque, autrement 
nommee Tenuctilan." Accordingly we find, included in the 
" Livre Second," and forming the larger part of that book, a 
resume of Gomara's " Historia de Mexico," or Life of Cortes, 
enlarging this fifth edition by more than one quarter. The 
work of Fumee, in all the editions, is a wretched affair. 

Page 144. 

" Which moste injiiste and wrongfull dealinge of the Pope 
was notably confuted by Atabalipa^'' &c. 

The oi'thogi'aphy here given of the name of "the last of 
the Incas " is that of the French and Italian versions of 
Gomara. Gomara spells it " Atabaliba " ; and it is so spelled 
by Benzoni. This last author is cited in this Discourse, pp. 61 
and 146, as " Peter Benzo of Milan." The story here told of 
the interview between Atahuallipa and Fray Vincent, and the 
capture of the former by the Spaniards, is probably taken from 
Gomara, who gives a full narrative of these events. A similar 
account is in Benzoni's " La Historia del Hondo Nvovo," pub- 



238 APPENDIX. 

lished in 1565, who also may have copied it from that author. 
(See the Hakhiyt Society's edition of this last-named work, 
pp. 182, 183. 253.) The admirable history of the Conquest of 
Peru by our countryman, Mr. Prescott, leaves nothing further 
to be desired as to a complete narrative of that event, illustrated 
as it is by hitherto unpublished manuscripts. 

Page 148. 

" "Wherefore did he not openly rebuJce the Einge of Den- 
marke for siiffringe his siihjecte, John Scolno, a Dcme^ in the 
yere 1500 to seJce the Straighte hy the northioeste, of xohome 
Gemma Frisius^ and Hieronymo Girava, a Spaniards^ make 
mention ? " 

Hakluyt errs here in giving 1500 as the year of the alleged 
voyage of John Scolnus, or, more correctly, John of Kolno, a 
Pole, in the service of the King of Denmark. He evidently 
took the account of the voyage from Gomara (Historia, Cap. 
XXXVII.), where the author gives no date. But he had 
just previously been speaking of the voyage of Gasper Cor- 
terial, in the year 1500, and Hakluyt inferred that the same 
date was intended for the voyage of Scolnus. Gomara says, 
" Tambien han y do alia hombres de Noruega conel Piloto 
Juan Scoluo." But Hakluyt says that mention is made of 
this voyage by Gemma Frisius and by Hieronimo Girava. 
The Cosmographia of the latter was published at Milan, in 
1556. The former wrote "De Principiis Astronomije & Cos- 
raographise, de usi Globi," &c., published at Antwerp, in 1530. 
There was an edition of his cosmography, &c., in French, 
published at Paris, in 1556. Gemma Frisius (Reinerus) was a 
pupil of Apianus, and edited his writings. (See " Divers Voy- 
ages," Hak. Soc, xlv. ; Brunet; Catal. Lib. J. C. Brown; 
Harrisse's Bibl. Amer.) Dr. Kohl says that Gomara is the first 
to briefly mention this adventure of Scolnus, but that Wytfliet, 
1597, describes the voyage more fully, giving the year 1476, 
and saying that he sailed beyond Norway, Frisland, and Green- 
land, entered the Arctic Strait, and came to Labrador and 
Estotiland ; yet for all this he gives no authority. (Doc. Hist. 
State of Maine, Vol. I. p. 114.) 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT's DISCOURSE. 239 



Page 159. 

" The SymeronsP 

The writer of the account of Drake's voyage to " Nombre de 
Dios," in 1572, described the Syraerons as " a blacke people, 
which, about eightie yeeres past, fled from the Spaniards, their 
masters, by reason of their crueltie, and are since growne to an 
nation, vnder two kings of their owne : the one inhabiteth to 
the West, th'other to the East of the way from Nombre de Dios 
to Panama, which liad nere surprised it about sixe weekes 
before " their arrival. (Sir Francis Drake Reuiued, p. 7.) They 
probably corresponded to the "Maroons" of the West India 
Islands. Drake made friends with these people for the pur- 
pose of employing them against the Spaniards in that neigh- 
borhood. 



[The following note was accidentally omitted to be inserted in its place, 
at page 211.] 

Pages 10, 77-80. 

" The like may he sated of the Spaniarcles^ whoe (as yt is in 
the preface of the last edition of Osorms de rebus gestis 
Emanuelis) have established in the West Indies three arche^ 
bisshopricks,^^ &c. 

The last edition of this work which had been published at 
the time Hakluyt is here writing is probably that of 1576, at 
Cologne. The writer, Hieronymus Osorius, was a celebrated 
Portuguese bishop, born in 1506, and died in 1580. From the 
purity which he attained in his various Latin compositions, he 
was called the Cicero of Portugal. A Latin Essay of his, on 
Glory, was written so much after the style of that author, 
"that some haue not scruj^led to assert that the treatise itself is 
the lost work of Cicero." His best-known work is the one 
referred to by Hakluyt, " The History of Portugal," of which 
an English translation by James Gibbs was published in 1752, 
but without the preface. (See Brunet's " Manual " ; Retrospec- 
tive Rev., I. 322.) 



240 APPENDIX. 

The passage referred to by Hakluyt, in the preface to Osorius, 
written by Johannes Metellns Sequanus, is given on pp. 77-80 
of this Discourse, and a translation of the same here follows : — 

" To make clear once for all the cause of the frequent at- 
tempts at revolution, and the seditions so pertinaciously 
excited by the Indians against the Spaniards; to show the 
reason of the two great heads of the Christian State in appi'ov- 
ing in the most solemn manner of the freedom of the Indian 
nation, notwithstanding the murmurs of many and the un- 
doubted dislike of the Spanish soldiery, I will describe in few 
words the cruelty of these new masters towards the miserable 
people, their insatiable avarice, and the grave tumult arising 
from these causes, whereby the devastation of almost all the 
new world, a thing never to be sufficiently deplored, was 
brouglit about. 

"In the first place, it was the custom, from a very bad 
example forsooth, of most of the Spanish soldiers, as is proved 
by eye-witnesses and others worthy of credit, to punish their 
slaves in the severest manner if they did not bring in their 
daily wages, or perform the daily task in digging gold or silver, 
or if they were guilty of any lesser fault. When they returned 
in the evening, instead of their supper, they were first stripped 
of their garments, then bound hand and foot on crossed poles, 
and beaten most direly with lash or buffiilo thongs. Then they 
were sprinkled, drop by drop, with pitch or boiling oil; their 
bodies afterwards washed in salt water, and left on their rack 
as long as it was thought possible they could bear their pain. 
This method of punishing is said to have been familiar to their 
masters, even in the case of Christian slaves at home. After a 
torture of this kind, if the master happened to be a harsh one, 
they were left buried alive up to the neck for the whole night, 
the master asserting in jest that this was the best medicine for 
their wounds. If any died of the suffering, which happened 
not rarely, the master was freed from the penalty of homicide 
by furnishing the king with a slave in the place of each one 
killed. This cruelty is by some excused by what they call the 
law of Baiona.* But it seems justly impious as devoid of all 

* " The law of Baiona." " This alludes," says the translator of Benzoni 
for the Hakluyt Society, p. 94, "to the plausible but unjust and inhuman 



NOTES TO HAKLUYT S DISCOURSE. 241 

charity. Wherefore it has been rightly called diabolical by the 
Indians. Some persons have been induced to show this cruelty 
towards the poor Indian by a certain inborn natural harshness, 
fed by many wars, but avarice has been with most the cause of it. 
Hence from the very discovery of the new world, the Spanish 
soldiers began to hunt men, as birds or wild game. Those 
natives captured in war, they either cast into slavery, or ob- 
tained large sums of money by selling, or sent them out to daily 
labor, the pay for which was exacted in the most importune 
manner. There were those who sold their slaves to the mines, 
in which many myriads, broken down by the unusual labor, 
perished. Others exchanged their slaves for merchandise, or 
disposed of them in other ways. And some did these things 
so mercilessly and avariciously, that altogether forgetting 
Christian humanity, they transj^orted in ships to the neighbor- 
ing islands people of both sexes, without regard to age or 
health, snatched from the continent. Not a few of them, un- 
accustomed to the sea, confined in the holds of the vessels, 
perished cruelly from hunger, filth, and squalor. Nay! how 
many women, pregnant by the Spanish, have been sold into 
slavery with their innocent progeny." 

The following is the concluding passage from this author, on 
page 80 : — 

" And by these means some of the soldiers have attained to 
great estate ; some obtained great dignity at home and abroad ; 
some so increased their flocks at the expense of many others, 
that there have been found those who possessed eight thousand 
head. This so manifest injustice and tyranny of our men could 
not exist without giving rise at once to great commotions and 
wars ; at times among themselves, and often undertaken by the 
natives against them." 

code, promulgated at Burgos, in 1512, by which the employment of In- 
dians in the mines was insisted upon." Purchas says the law was devised 
" by some cruel divell." 

31 




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rhis fold-out is being digitized, and will be inserted at a 

future date. 



INDEX. 



The Index to this volume was made by my friend Mr. George 
Dexter, of Cambridge ; and I wish to add, that, to his excellent 
taste, judgment, and scholarship, I have been often indebted while 
the volume was preparing for the press. 

C. D. 



INDEX. 



A. 

Adams, Clement, his copy of Cabot's 
map, 126, 128, 223-227. 

Agnese, Battista, map of, 218. 

Ahumada, Pedro, 183. 

Aldegonde, Sainte, see " Marnix." 

Aldworth, Thomas, xxxviii n. 

Aklworth family, the, xxxviii n. 

Alexander the Great, 80. 

Alexander VI., Pope, 118, 135, 149, 
188 ; Hakluyt's answer to the Bull 
of,129-151 ; notes on the Bulls of, 
relating to America, 232-236. 

Almagre, Don Diego de, 145. 

Alva, Fernando Alvarez, Duke of, lix. 

Amadas, Capt. Philip, 173, 193. 

America, names of towns in, belong- 
ing to Spain, 64-67. 

American Antiquarian Society, 
" Proceedings " of the, cited, 22-3. 

"American Quarterly Church Re- 
view," 182. 

Anderson, James, his "Royal Gen- 
ealogies " cited, 206. 

Anghiera, Pietro Martire d', 52, 126, 
128, 176, 193, 219, 228, 230. 

Ann, of Oldenburg, 206. 

Antigonus, anecdote of, 62. 

Antiquaries, Society of, London, 
xxix. Their " Archieologia " 
cited, xviii, xxix, 172, 226. 

Antonio, Don, Prior of Crato, Iviii, 63, 
60, 113, 214, 215. 

Apianus (Bienewitz), Petrus, 238. 

" Archa>ologia " cited, xviii, xxix, 
172, 226. 

Articles necessary for the Western 
Voyage, 162-167. 

Asher, George, LL.D., his " Henry 
Hudson " cited, 228, 225. 

Atahuallipa, 144, 237. 

Augustus, Elector of Saxony, 82. 

Austin Friars, London, Dutch Church 
in, 206. 



Auxentius, Bishop of Milan, 131. 

Avezac, Marie Armand Pascal d", 
180, 222, 223, 225, 226 ; his edition 
of Car tier's " Bref Recit " cited, 
197. 

B. 

Badajos, Congress of, 231. 

Baiona, Law of, 240 n. 

Bale, John, 135, 136. 

Barbary, English trade with, 13, 190, 
191; manner ofelecting the Prince 
of, 191. 

Barlow, Capt. Arthur, 173, 193. 

Baronius, Cjesar, his "Annales Ec- 
clesiastici," 233. 

Bartlett, Hon. John Russell, LL.D., 
229 ; his " Catalogue of the John 
Carter Brown Library " cited, 238. 

Basanier, Martin, 209. 

Bayle, Pierre, 187 ; his " Diction- 
ary " cited, 210. 

Bellinger, Stephen, 26, 84. 

Benzoni, Girolamo, 61, 146, 237; his 

" Historia del Mondo Nuovo" (Hak- 
luyt Soc. Ed.) cited, 238, 240 n. 

Best, George, his " True Discourse 
of the late Voyages " cited, 205. 

Beza, Theodore, 186. 

Biddle, Richard, 178, 227 ; false 
charge against Hakluyt brought 
by, 194 ; his " ISIemoir of Sebas- 
tian Cabot" cited, 203, 216,219, 
229, 2.30. 

" Biographia Britannica " cited, 
xxxviii n. 

Birch, Thomas, D.D., his "Life of 
Sir Walter Raleigh" cited, 
xxvii, n. 

Bodenham, Roger, 164. 

Bohn, Henry G., xv n., 232. 

Bourbon, Cliarles de. Cardinal, 26. 

Bourne, H. R. Fox, his " Memoir of 
Sir Philip Sidney " cited, Iviii n. 



246 



mDEX. 



Brazil, Huguenot Colonyin, 184-187. 
Brevoort, John Carson, his " Ver- 

razano the Navigator " cited, 182, 

197, 230. 
Bristol, England, smallness of the 

ships used at, 89 ; records of the 

chapter of the Cathedral at, cited, 

xxxviii. 
British Museum, London, xvi, xxiii, 

196, 220, 221. 
Brown, Rev. Frederick, xvii. 
Brown, Jolin Carter, library of, 213, 

229, 238. 
Bruce, John, F.R.S., xviii, xix. 
Brunet, Jacques Charles, his, " Man- 
uel du Libraire " cited, 229, 238, 

239 
Bry, Theodore de, 186, 193. 
" Bulletin de la Socie'te de Geogra- 

phie," Parts, cited, 222. 
Bulls of Concession and Partition, 

notes on the, 232-236. 
Burborowate, 64. 
Burleigh, see " Cecil." 
Butrigarius, Galeatius, 228. 

c. 

Cabot, John, xxvi, 122, 12-5, 194, 

211, 223, 224, 226, 227 ; extract 

from the patent of, 86. 
Cabot, Louis, 86, 125. 
Cabot, Sanciio, 86, 125. 
Cabot, Sebastian, li, liv, 19, 86, 101, 

110, 122, 123, 125-128, 147, 179, 

192-194, 222-229; note on the 

Mappe-Monde of, 223-227. 
" Calendar of State Papers " cited, 

xxix, xxxii, xxxiv, XXXV, 172-174, 

188, 216. 
Calvin, John, 184-186. 
Camden, William, his " Annals of 

Elizabeth " cited, 236. 
Camden Society, the, 195. 
Canada, expedition to, from St. 

Malo, France, 101. ^ 
Cancell, Luis, 183. 
Caradoc of Llancarvan, 119, 221. 
Carakas, 64. 
Carli, Fernando, 218. 
Carlyle, Christopher, xxx, xxxiii, 

xlvii-1, liv, 175, 202. 
Carthagena, 65. 
Cartier, Jacques, li, 7,8, 86, 111, 116, 

148, 180; extract from his account 

of his voyage, 27-28; his "Bref- 

Kecit" cited, 197. 
Casas, Bartolome' de las, Bp. of 

C/iiapa, 71, 72, 77, 145, 210. 
Cassiniir, John, Duke, 82. 



Castillo, Don Antonio di, 113, 215, 

216. 
Castro, Joao Bautista de, 215. 
Catliay, northwest passage to, 108- 

117. 
Catherine di Medici, lix n. 
Cayley, Arthur, 171. 
Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh, ix, Ix, 

172, 188. 
Cevola, 112. 

Champernoun family, the, xlii. 
Chancellor Richard, 226. 
Charles II. of Enqland, 173. 
Charles V. Emperor, 24, 40, 41, 50- 

52, 57, 81, 91, 126, 144, 149, 156, 

183, 206, 207. 
Charles IX. of France, 148, 187. 
C[harlewood], J[ohn].201. 
Chartier, William, 184, 186. 
Chichimici hidians, the, 47, 208. 
China, see " Cathay." 
Christopher, Prince of Emden, 206. 
Chrysostom, John, Saint, 130, 131. 
Churchill, John, his " Collection of 

Voyages " cited, 222. 
Chytrffius, Nathan, his " Variorum 

in Europa Itinerum Delicije," 

225, 226. 
Cieza de Leon, Pietro, his " Historic 

del Peru," 237. 
Clarke, Richard, 211. 
Clement VII. Pope, 50. 
Cleves, William, Duke of, 50, 82. 
Cointa, Jean, 185. 
Coligny, Gaspard de, Admiral, xliii, 

xlvi, 184, 185, 187. 
CoUier, John Payne, xxix, 172, 173. 
Colonization, importance of, 95-103. 
Columbus, Bartholomew, 120, 121, 

140. 
Columbus, Christopher, 11, 119, 121, 

122, 124, 126-128, 137, 138, 140, 

195, 222, 228, 230. 
Columbus, Diego, 119. 
Columbus, Ferdinand, 126, 128, 228 ; 

his Life of the Admiral cited, 

119, 120, 137, 222 ; see also " Har- 

risse, H." 
Congress of Badajos, 231. 
Constantius II., Emperor, 131. 
Coro, 64. 
Coronado, Francesco Vasquez de, 28, 

30, 86, 98, 99, 112, 116, 198, 200, 

212. 
Cortereal, Anus, 113, 215, 216. 
Cortereal, Gaspar, 32, 86, 148, 203, 

204, 238. 
Cortes, Hernando, 97, 98, 211, 212, 

229. 
Cravaliz, Augustino, 211. 
Crignon, Pierre, 197. 



INDEX. 



247 



Crooke, Mr. , of Southampton, 

201. 
Crux, Marquis de la, see " Santa 

Crux." 
Cuba, island of, 68, 73. 
Cudruaigny, Indian deity, 7. 
Cumana, 64. 

D. 

Daus, John, 206. 

Davis, John, 195. 

Deane, Charles, LL.D., Editor's 
prefatory note signed by, xiii, xiv ; 
his " Remarks on Cabot's Mappe- 
Monde " cited, 225. 

De Bry, see " Bry." 

De Costa, Rev. Benjamin F., 182. 

Dee, Lh\ John, xlviii; "Diary of," 
cited, 195. 

De Leau, Mr. ,of Morlaix, France, 

115. 

De Lery, see " Lery." 

" Delight," s/i(>, 202,211. 

Denis, Jean Ferdinand, his " Portu- 
gal, Histoire et description " cited, 
215. 

Denmark, English trade with, 15. 

Dermot Mac Morough, Kin<j of Lein- 
ster, 134. 

De Soto, Fernando, 183, 184. 

D'Ewes, Sir Sinionds, his " Journal" 
cited, 172. 

Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, his " Ver- 
dadera Historia " cited, 234. 

Dibdin, Thomas Frognall, his " Ty- 
pographical Antiquities of Great 
Britain " cited, 183. 

Donnacona, Indian, 28, 112. 

Doria, John Andrew, Prince, 93. 

Drake, Sir Francis, xxxii «., lix, 11, 
57, 61, 83, 159, 189, 190, 215, 220, 
235, 239 ; " The world encompassed 
by" cited, 189, 190; "Sir Francis 
Dralce Kevived " cited, 239. 

Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, ix, 
xxxvii, xlvii n. Ix. 

E. 

Eden, Richard, his "Decades of the 
new worlde," 228, 237 ; cited, 177, 
178, 180, 184, 226, 227, 229, 231, 
232. 

"Edinburgh Review " cited, xxvii n. 

Edwards, Edward, 171 ; his "Life of 
Raleigh" cited, xlvi. 

Elizabeth, of Ewjland, viii-x, xxxi, 
xxxiv, xxxviii, xl, xli, xHv, xlvi, 
xlvii, liv, Ivi-lviii, Ix, Ixi, 89, 101, 
117, 172, 173, 175, 189, 190, 191, 
193, 194, 201, 204, 215, 224, 236. 



Elliott, Hugh, 126. 

Emden, Earls of, 40, 50, 205, 206. 

Emmanuel of 'Portugal, 10, 148, 215. 

England, political, religious and com- 
mercial condition of, in 1584, Iv-lxi. 

English trade, state of, in 1584, IS- 
IS ; importance of the, in Flanders, 
40. 

Enno XL, Earl of Emden, 20G. 

Enriquez, Beatrix, 222. 

Estancelin, Louis, 197. 

Evans, Robert, xxiii n. 

Evans, R. H., his edition of Hakluyt's 
collection of voyages, xxiii. 

Ezhard, Earl of Emden, 206. 



F. 



Fabyan, Robert, 125. 

Fenton, Edward, 11, 83. 

Fenwick, Mrs. John Edward Addi- 
son, XV n. 

Ferdinand of Aragnn, 121, 136. 

Fisher, John, Bp. of Rochester, 182. 

Flanders, English trade with, 15. 

Fletcher, Rev. James, his " AVorld 
encompassed by Sir Fr. Drake " 
cited, 189, 190. 

Fletcher, Rev. James C, see " Kid- 
der, D. P." 

Florida, extent of the name, lii "., 192, 
193; character of the natives of, 
66; Huguenot colony in, 187 ; dis- 
covery of, 230. 

Florin, Juan, 219, 233. 

Florio, Jean, 180. 

Folsom, George, his " Catalogue of 
Documents relating to Maine " 
cited, xviii. 

Forster, John Reinhold, his " Voy- 
ages and DiscoTeries in the North, " 
214. 

Fox, Capt. Luke, xvi n. 

Fracastor, Hieronynio, 227, 228. 

Frampton, John, 196. 

France, English trade with, 15. 

Francis I. of France, 50, 108, 148, 156, 
181. 

Frederick II. of Denmark, 16. 

Friseland, Ann, Countess of 205. 

Frobisher, Sir Martin, ix, xliv, xlviii, 
11, 34, 102, 109, 188, 204, 205, 219. 

Froudc, James Anthony, x, Ix ; his 

" Ilistorv of England" cited, viii, 
189, 190, 209, 215. 

Fuller, Thomas, D.D., his " Holy 
and Profane State " cited, 189. 

Funie'e, Sieur de Genillo' Mart., his 
translation of Gomara's General 
History, 229, 231, 236-237. 



248 



INDEX. 



G. 



Gaetan, Juan, 148. 

Galvano, Antonio, 176. 

Gamage, Barbara, xlvii n. 

Gemma, Frisius, Reinerus, 148, 238. 

Gibbs, James, his translation of Oso- 
rio, 239. 

(jilbcrt, Adrian, xlv, xlviii, 195. 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, ix, x, xxvi, 
xxvii, xxix, xliii-xlv, xlvii n, 1, 
liii-lv, Ixi, 30, 31, 91, 171, 174, 
193, 195, 201-203, 211, 221, 236. 

Girava, Hieronymo, 148, 238. 

"Golilen Hind," ship, xlv, liii, 201, 
202. 

Gomara, Francesco Lopez de, 127- 
129, 134, 141, 147, 176, 178, 231 ; 
his " Historia general de las In- 
dias, "cited, 30, 98, 14-5, 151, 184, 
200, 212, 229, 230, 232, 237,238; 
his "Historia de Mexico," cited, 
97, 208, 211, 212, 237 ; sketch of, 
229. See also " Fumee," " Ziletti." 

Gomez, Estavan, 11, 7, 22, 24, 25, 
86, 230; sketch of his voyage, 
176-178. 

Gomez, Violante, 215. 

Gorges, Lord Edward, xx. 

Gorges, »§(> Ferdinando, xvii, xix, xx. 

" Gorges Papers," the, xviii-xx. 

Gosnold, Bartholomew, 194. 

Gourgues, Dominique de, 46, 209. 

Graham, Thomas J., 234. 

Grainer, Matthew, 35. 

Green, Mrs. Mary Anne Everett, xix 
-xxii, xxxi, xxxvi, xl n. 

Gregory XIII., Pope, xl ?«. 

Grijalva, Juan de, 97, 98, 211. 

Grindall, Edmund, Archbishop, 206. 

Guise, Henry, Duke of, xxxii n., Ivii. 



H. 

Hacha, 64. 

Hacket, Thomas, his edition of Ri- 
bault's Narrative, 196, 213. 

Hakluyt, Richard, his services to Sir 
Walter Raleigh, xxx-xxxiii, xlviii 
-li; letter of, to Sir Francis Wals- 
ingham, xxxii n. ; grant of a stall 
in Bristol Cathedral to, xxxviii; 
his " Principal Navigations, Voy- 
ages, &c," 1589, cited, 172, 193, 201, 
207, 211, 220, 222, 235, 237, 239 ; his 
"Principal Navigations," 1598- 
1600, cited, 171-173, 180, 188-193, 
198-202, 207, 209, 212, 216, 219, 222, 
225, 226, 236 ; his " Principal Navi- 
gations," 1809, xxiii ; his " Divers 



Voyages," 1582, cited, xxvii, 181, 
196, 197, 207, 211, 213-216, 219, 
223, 236; his "Divers Voyages," 
(Hakluyt Society's Ed.), cited, 
xxxix n., 178, 196, 215, 231, 232, 
238. 

Hakluyt, Richard, of the Middle Tem- 
ple, 171. 

Hakluyt Society, the, 178, 189, 196, 
205, 214, 215, 231, 232, 238, 240 n. 

Hall, Rowland, 196. 

Harford, C. H., xvii. 

Hariot, Thomas, his "Briefe and true 
Report," 193. 

Harrisse, Henri, his " Bibliotheca 
Americana Vetustissima " cited, 
180, 238; his "Fernand Colomb. 
Essai critique," 222. 

Harvard College Library, xv n., 179. 

Hawkins, Sir John, lix, 57, 65, 195, 
207, 220. 

Hawkins, William, 83. 

Hayes, Edward, xlv, xlvii, 175, 201, 
202. 

Henry of Portugal, 11.3, 214-216. 

Henry ll. of England, 134. 

Henry II. of France, 148. 

Henry III. of France, xxxii n., Ivii, 
198. 

Henrv IV. of France, 198. 

Henry VII. V^".7/«nf^, li, 19,86, 89, 
101, 110, 117, 119, 120, 121, 124, 
127, 137, 140, 147, 192. 

Henry VIII. of Eiu/land, 41, 59, 89, 
117, 120, 126, 147, 182, 216, 217; 
title of Defender of the Faith be- 
stowed upon, 182. 

Herrera, Antonio de, 171, 176; his 
" Historia general de los Castella- 
nos " cited, 232. 

Hesse, Pliilip, Landc/rave of, 51. 

Hesse, William, Landgrave of, 82. 

Hilarius, Piclaviensis, Bp. of Poitiers, 
Saint, 131. 

" Hind, Golden," ship, xlv, liii, 201, 
202. 

Hinde, John, 201. 

Hispaniola, island of, 68, 73. 

Hogan, Edmund, 190. 

Holbein, Hans, 224. 

Holmes, Abiel, Z'.Z'., his "Memoir 
of Parmenius " cited, 203. 

Holocotara, Indian, 46. 

Honduras, 66. 

Hortop, Job, 207. 

Howard, Cliarles, Earl of Notting- 
ham, xxxviii n. 

Huguenot colon}' in Florida, 187. 

Humboldt, Alexander Von, his 
"Examen Critique" cited, 232; 
liis " Cosmos " cited, ih. 



INDEX. 



249 



I. 



Ingram, David, 115, 207 ; his "Ee- 

lation," 220-221. 
Irving, Wasliington, 222 ; his " Life 

of Cohimbus " cited, 232, 233. 
Isabella the Catholic, 11, 121, 136, 

137. 
Islands in the Gulf of Mexico, 68-70. 
Ivan IV. of Russia, 16. 



Jamaica, island of, 68, 73. 

James I. of Englaiul, xlvi, 194. 

" Janizaries," 191. 

Japan, King of, xl n. 

Jenynges (Jennings), , 46. 

Jerome (Sophronius Eusebius Hier- 
onymus), Saint, 143. 

John, Earl of Emden, 206. 

John, Kinrj of Denmark, 148. 

John I. ofPortnqal, 119. 

Jolin n.' of Portugal, 140, 141. 

John IV.'qfOldenburf/, 206. 

John Frederick, Elector of Saxony, 
51. 

Jolmson & Graham v. Mcintosh, case 
of, cited, 234. 

Jomard, Ednie' Francois, his " Monu- 
ments do la Geographie," 223. 

Jones, John Winter, xxix, 215 ; his 
intr(^duction to the Hakluyt So- 
ciety's Ed. of the "Divers Voy- 
ages " cited, xxxviii n., 231, 232. 

" Journal of the House of Lords " 
cited, 172. 

" Judith," bark, 189. 

Juan, Prince of Spain, 179. 

K. 

Kidder, Rev. Daniel P. and Fletcher, 

i?ey. James C, their "Brazil and 

the Brazilians," 187. 
Kohl, John G., LED., 176, 181, 197, 

203, 218, 221, 223, 225-227, 230, 238. 
Kolno, John of, see " Scolno." 
Kunstmann, Fr., his " Die Entdeck- 

ung America's," 203. 



Lancaster, Sir James, xxxiv, xl n. 
Languet, Hubert, Iviii. 
Las Casas, see " Casas." 
Laudonniere, Re'ne Goulaine de, xxx, 

148, 187, 209. 
Lea, Edward, D.D., 41, 126, 207. 



Leicester, see " Dudley." 

Lemon, Robert, xxxiv, xxxv n, 

xl n. 
Lemoyne, James, xliii. 
Le Neve, John, his "Fasti Ecclesiae 

Anglicanaj " cited, xxxviii n. 
Leo X. (Giovanni di Medici), Pope, 

182, 228. 
Lery, Jean de, 185, 186. 
Lescarbot, Marc, his " Histoire de la 

Nouvelle France " cited, 198. 
Lloyd, Humphrey, his " Historie of 

Cambria," 221. 
Lockhart, John Ingram, his transla- 
tion of Bernal Diaz cited, 234. 
Lok, Michael, liii, 114, 216, 217. 
Lombard, Peter, 143. 
London, see " Antiquaries," "Austin 

Friars," " British Museum," &c. 
" London Geographical Magazine," 

182. 
Lopez, Diego, of Sequeria, 141. 
Lords, House of. Journal of the, 

cited, 172. 
Lowndes, William Thomas, xv n., 

xxiii n. 
Luiz, Prince of Portugal, 215. 
Luther, Martin, 182,' 183. 



M. 

Mcintosh, William, 234. 

Madoc ap Owen Gwyneth, Prince, 
118,221. 

Madrid, Royal Academy of, 179. 

Magellan, Fernando de, 176. 

Mainibourg, Louis, 187. 

Maine Historical Society, extract 
from the records of the, viii ; Pub- 
lications of the, XXV ; their " Docu- 
mentary History of IMaine," xxv, 
181, cited, 176, 197, 203, 22-3, 225. 
226, 230, 238; see also, "Kohl, 
J. G." 

Major, Richard Henry, F.S.A., 182; 
his " Early Voyages to Terra Aus- 
tralia " cited, 197 ; his " Voyages 
of the Zeno Brothers," 214 ; his 
paper on the Zeno vo3'ages in the 
Mass. Hist. Society's Proceedings, 
ib. ; his " True Date of the Discov- 
ery of the American Continent," 
226. 

Malta, Knights of, 14. 

Marche, Jean de la, 102. 

Marcolini, Francesco, 213. 

Margarita, island of, 68. 

Marnix Tim Sainte Aldegonde, Filips 
Van, 54, 68, 59, 209. 



82 



250 



INDEX. 



Marshall, Chief Justice John, his 
opinion in tlie case of Johnson 
and Graham v. Mcintosh cited, 
234. 

Marsliall T. W. M., his " Christian 
Missions " cited, 187. 

" Martin, Mary," ship, sunk by Alge- 
rine pirates, 15. 

Martyr, Peter, see " Anghiera." 

Mary, Queen of England, 147. 

" Mary of Guildford," ship, 221. 

Mary, Queen of Hnnrjary, 207. 

Mary, Queen of Scots, Ivii. 

" Mary Martin," ship, 15. 

Massachusetts Historical Society, 

" Collections " of the, cited, 203 ; 
"Proceedings" of the, cited, 214. 

Mather, Cotton, D. D., his " Mag- 
nalia " cited, 186, 187. 

Medici, Catherine di, lix n. 

Medici, Giovanni di, see " Leo X." 

Melo, Francis de, 141. 

Mendoza, Don Antonio de, 28, 98, 99, 
116, 198, 212. 

Mendoza, Don Bernardino de, 189. 

Menendez, Pedro, 67, 192. 

Mercator, Gerardus, 114, 219. 

Mercator, Piumold, 114. 

Meursius, Johannes, cited, 209, 210. 

Mollineux, Emeric, 194. 

Monardus, Nicliolas, JSl. D., extracts 
from his " Joyful newes out of the 
New founde Worlde," 21, 22 : ac- 
count of, 196. 

Motley, John Lothrop, LL.D., his 
" United Netherlands " cited, lix n., 
171, 209. 

Muffett, Capt. , 48. 

Munoz, Juan Bautista, his " Historia 
del Nuevo Mundo " cited, 233. 

Murphy, Hon. Henry C, 217, 218; 
his " Voyage of Verrazzano " 
cited, 182, l97, 198, 219. 

Murray, John, his " Hand-hook of 
Gloucestershire " cited, xv n. 

N. 

Napier, Macvey, his article on Sir 
Walter Raleigh cited, xxvii n. 

Navarrete, Martin Fernandez de, his 
" Coleccion de los Viages " cited, 
232, 236. 

Nicaragua, 66. 

Nichols, Jolm, F S.A., his "Liter- 
ary Anecdotes " cited, xxiii n. 

Nichols, Thomas, his " Pleasant His- 
toric of the conquest of the Weast 
India " cited, 208, 211. 

Nombro di Dios, 65. 



Northwest passage to China, 109-117. 
Northwick, John Rushout, Lord, 

XV n. 
Norurabega, xxi ; extent of the name, 

lii ; reasons why the English 

should undertake the planting of, 

1.52-lGl. 
Nottingham, Charles Howard, Earl 

of, xxxviii, n. 



o. 



Oath demanded of English mer- 
chants trading in Spanish domin- 
ions, 17. 

Oldys, William, 171, 172 ; his "Life 
of Raleigh " cited, xxvii n. 

Onuphrius, see " Panvinius." 

Orange, William of, see " William 
of Nassau." 

Ortelius, Abraham, 60, 61, 102. 

Osorio Hieronymo, 10 ; his " De • 
rebus gestis Emanuelis " cited, 77, 
239 ; extract from Sequanus's pref- 
ace to, 240-241. 

Oviedo y Valdos, Gonzalo Fernandez 
de, 7, 126, 146, 149, 176, 178, 179, 
228 ; extract from an Italian trans- 
lation of his " Sumario," 24-25; 
his " Sumario " cited, 177 ; ac- 
count of his writings, 179. 

P. 

Packard, Alpheus S., D.D., note of 

the Standing Committee signed 

by, vii-xi. 
Palfrey, John Gorham, LL.D., xviii, 

xxi. 
Panvinius, Onuphrius, 135. 
Paris, France, Bulletin of the Geo- 
graphical Society of, cited, 222 ; 

National Library at, 223, 225, 227. 
Parkman, Francis, his " Pioneers of 

France in the New World " cited, 

184, 187, 198. 
Parma, Alexander, Prince of, xxxii n., 

Ivii, lix. 
Parmenius, Stephen ; extracts from 

a letter of, 31-32, 202. 
Parmentier, Jean, 197. 
Peckliam, Sir George, xlvii, 1, lii, 

liv, 171, 175, 195; his "True 

Report of the late Discoveries," 

30, 201,202. 
Perosse, Valeron, 34. 
Philip II. of Spain, Ivi, 17, 49, 52, 55, 

66, 58, 72, 81, 93, 115, 155, 174, 175, 

183, 191, 209, 215, 216. 



INDEX. 



251 



Phillips, Sliles, 47, 57, 207, 208, 220. 

Phillipps, Sir Thomas, xiv, xvi-xix, 
xxi-xxiii, xxvi, xxxv, xli ; Cata- 
logue of his collection of MMS. 
cited, XV n, 189. 

Pierria, Capt. Albert de la, 100, 213. 

Pinson, Richard, 182. 

Pizarro, Francisco, 144. 

Platina, Bartholomew, 135. 

Ponce de Leon, Juan, 128, 192, 230. 

Popelliniere, Lancelot Voisin Seign- 
eur de la, his " Les Trois 
Mondes," 47, 125, 209. 

Porto de Cavallos, 66. 

Portuguese, number of their soldiers 
in the Indies, 60. 

Postel, Guillaume, 113. 

Powel, David, D.D., 221. 

Prescott, William H., LL.D., 229; 
his " Conquest of Mexico " cited, 
180; his " Conquest of Peru," 238. 

Pring, Martin, 194. 

Pryhouse, Mr. , of Guernsey, 102. 

Public Record Office, London, xxxvi, 
xxxvii, xl n. 175 ; " Calendar of 
State Papers " cited, xxix, xxxii, 
xxxiv, xxxv, 172-174, 188, 216. 

Purchas, Rev. Samuel, 240 n.; his 
"Pilgrimes" cited, 180, 195, 210, 
2V.),^220, 224, 225, 236; his "Pil- 
grimage " cited, xl n. 

Puttick & Simpson, Messrs. ,_ xxi n. 
xxii, xxiii. 



Raleigh, Carew, 171. 

Raleigh, Sir AValter, x, xxvii, xxviii, 
XXX, xxxi, xxxii «., xxxiii-xxxv, 
xxxvii-xlii, xliv, xlv, Uv, Iv, lix- 
Ixi, 173, 175, 192-195, 209, 211; 
his indebtedness to Hakluyt, xxx- 
xxxiii ; sketch of his American 
plans, xlii-li ; spelling of the name, 
171; date of his knighthood, 172; 
Birch's Life of, cited, xxvii n. ; 
Mrs. 'Thomson's Life of, cited, 
xxvii n. ; St. John's Life of, cited, 
xxvii n., xxxv n., xlvii n., 172; 
Edwards's Life of, cited, xlvi. 

Rame, Alfred, 180. 

Ramusio, Giovanni Battista, xxxv, 
177, 178, 180, 181, 198, 199, 213, 
219, 223, 227; his " Raccolta di 
Navigazioni e Viaggi " cited, lii, 
7, 19, 25, 32, 108-110, 115, 197, 
203, 228 ; account of the work of, 
178-179. 

Raynaldus, (Rinaldi) Odoricus, his 
'' Annales Eeclesiastici " cited, 233. 



Read, John Meredith, Jun., his 
" Historical Inquiry concerning 
Henry Hudson " cited, 171. 

" Retrospective Review " cited, 239. 

" Revue des Deux Mondes " cited, 
215 

" Reynolds," bark, 15, 191. 

Ribault, Jean, li, 11, 21, 46, 48, 67, 
86, 112, 148, 187, 192, 213; his 
" Whole and true Discoverye of 
Terra Florida " cited, 20, 99, 113, 
195, 196. 

Ribero, Diego, 176. 

Richard II. of England, 89. 

Richer, Pierre, 184, 186. 

Rinaldi, see " Raynaldus." 

Roberval, Jean Fran9ois de la Roque, 
Sieur de, 148. 

Roche, Troilus da Mesgouets, Marquin 
de la, 26, 101, 198. 

Royal Academy of Madrid, 179. 

Russia, Enghsh trade with, 16. 

Rut, John, 219, 221. 

s. 

Sainsbury, W. Noel, xxxv, xxxvi, 
173 ; his " Calendar of State Pa- 
pers " cited, 188. 

St. John, James Augustus, his " Life 
of Raleigh "cited, xxvii/;., xxxv n., 
xlvii n., 172. 

St. John de Porto Rico, island of, 
68, 73. 

St. Lawrence, discovery of the Bay 
of the, 213. 

St. Malo, France, expedition from, 
to Canada, 101. 

Samano, Julian, 183. 

" San Antonio," ship, 176. 

Sancta Helena, Florida, 66. 
"Sanders, Rev. John, Prebend of Bristol 
Cathedral, xxxii /(., xxxviii, xxxix. 

Santa Crux, Alvaro de Ba9an, Mar- 
quis de, 93. 

Santa Marta, town, 65. 

Sawle, Rev. Arthur, xxxviii n. 

Saxonj', Electors of, see "Augustus," 
and "John Frederick." 

Scolno, John (John of Kolno), 148, 
238. 

Scott, George Gilbert, xv n. 

Sebastian, Kinr/ of Portugal, 87. 

Selim II. of Turl-ey, 14. 

Sequanus, Johannes IMetellus, 77 ; 
extract from his preface to Oso- 
rio, 240, 241. 

Settle, Dionyse, 188, 205. 

Sheffield, Lady Douglas (Howard), 
xxxviii n. 



252 



INDEX. 



Sidney, Sir Henry, 110, 221. 

Sidney, Sir riiilip, xxx, xKxiii, xl, 
xliii, xlvii n., xlix, 1, liii, Iviii, 
221 ; Fox Bourne's " Memoirs of," 
cited, Iviii n. 

Sidney, Robert, xlvii n. 

"Sidney Papers," the, cited, 1. 

Sinclair, Henry, Earl of Orkney 
(Zichmni), 214. 

Sleidan, John, his "Chronicle," 51, 
52, cited, 40, 206, 207. 

" Sloane Mnis," British Museum, 
cited, 220. 

Smith, Buckingham, 182, 219. 

Smith, Caj)t. John, his " New Eng- 
land's Trials " cited, liii. 

Smithe, , Bristol, England, 46. 

Southey, Robert, his " History of 
Brazil," 187. 

Spaniards, cruelty of the, to the na- 
tives of the West Indies, 71-80; 
not regarded kindly by other na- 
tions, 81-82. 

Spotomo, Giovanni Battista, his 
" Memorials of Columbus " cited, 
232, 233. 

Stafford, Sir Edward, xxix, xxx, 

Steelio, Juan, 200. 

Stevens, Henry, xvi, xx, xxiii ; his 
" Historical and Geographical 
notes " cited, xxiii, 280 ; his " Se- 
bastian Cabot John Cabot," 

227. 

Strozzi, Filipo, 82. 

Strype, ]\ev. John, his " Ecclesiasti- 
cal Memorials " cited, 183 ; his 
"Life of Grindall " cited, 206. 

" Symerons," 159, 239. 

T. 

Tevius, Jacobus, 228. 

Thevet, Andre, 184, 185, 187. 

Thomas, James, 190. 

Thompson, G. W., xxii. 

Thomson, Mrs. Anthony Todd, her 

" Memoirs of Sir W. Raleigh," 

cited, xxvii n. 
Thomson, Sir Peter, xvi n., xxii- 

xxiv ; his library, xxiii n. 
Thome, Robert, 41, 126, 207. 
Thou, Jacques Auguste de, 187. 
Ticknor, George, LZ.D., his "History 

of Spanish Literature " cited, 179, 

229. 
Timber, scarcity of, in England, 105. 
" Toby," ship, 46. 
Trade, state of English, in 1584, 

13-16. 
Tres Has, see " Honduras." 



Trinidada, island of, 67. 
Tross, Edwin, 180, 181, 197. 
Turkey, English trade with, 14. 



u. 

Ulloa, Alfonso, 222. 
Utenhovius, Joannes, 206. 



V. 

Valentia, George Anneslcy, Lord, 
XV n., xvi 71., xxiii-xxv. 

Valverde, Father Vincent de, 144, 
237. 

Var, see " Vraga." 

Velasquez, Diego, 98, 212. 

Vera Crux, 66. 

Verrazzano, Jean, li, liii, 8, 22, 86, 
108, 113, 114, 148, 197, 230; ex- 
tract from the account of his voy- 
age, 22-24 ; account of, 181-182 ; 
the voyage and map of, consid- 
ered, 216-219 ; Mr. Brevoort's 
" Verrazano the Navigator " cited, 
182, 197, 230; Mr. Murphy's 
" Vovage of Verrazzano " cited, 
182, i97, 198, 219. 

Verrazzano, Jerome, map made by, 
218. 

Villegagnon, Nicolas Durand de, 11, 
148, 184-186. 

Vincent, Father, see " Valverde." 

Virginia, extent of the name, 193, 
194. 

Voisin, Henri Lancelot, see " Popel- 
liniere." 

Vraga, 65. 

w. 

Waad (Wade), William, xxxii n. 
Walsh, Rev. Robert, his " Notices of 

Brazil" cited, 187. 
Walsingham, Sir Francis, ix, xxix, 

xxx, xxxiii, xxxvii, xxxix-xli, 

xlvii n., xlix, 1, liii, Iv, Ix, Ixi, 173, 

195, 201, 216, 220, 221; letter of 

Hakluyt to, xxxii n. 
Western planting, Ust of articles to 

be carried for, 162-167. 
West Indies, extent of the Spanish 

dominion in the, 60-63 ; cruelty 

of the Spaniards to the natives of 

the, 71-80. 
Weston, Plowdon Charles Jennett, 

his " Documents connected with 



INDEX. 



253 



the History of South Carolina " 

cited, 221. 
Weymouth, George, 194. 
Whitbourne, Capt. Ricliard, his 

" Discovery of Newfoundland " 

cited, 201. 
William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, 

xlvi, Ivii, 53, 209. 
Williamson, Sir Joseph, 173. 
Willis, Browne, his " Survey of Eng- 
lish Cathedrals " cited, xxxviii w. 
" Wiltshire Magazine of Archeology 

and Natural History " cited, xvii, 

XX. 

Winthrop, Robert C, LL.D., 214. 

Wolfall, Rev. , Frobisher's chap- 
lain, 188. 



Woods, Leonard, D.D., Preface 
signed by, xv-xxiv ; Introduction 
signed by xxv-lxi. 

Wool trade, state of the English, 153. 

Wytfliet, Cornelius, 194, 238. 



z. 

Zeno, Antonio, 109. 

Zeno Brothers, liii ; voyages of the, 

213-214. 
Zeno, Niccolb, 100. 
Zichmni, see " Sinclair, Henry." 
Ziletti, Giordan, his edition of Go- 

mara's General History cited, 237. 



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